SUNIL KUMAR PULIVARTI: 2010

Social Harassment

Untouchability in India:

Ambedkar hailed from a poor family belonging to one of the Hindu untouchable communities in India. The untouchables comprised a number of distinct groups which form the lowest strata of Hindu society, and were condemned as Untouchables by the caste Hindus through centuries untold. Before the Indian constitution abolishing untouchability was adopted in 1950, Untouchable classes were divided into three categories - Untouchables, Unapproachable and Unseeables. They numbered about sixty million out of three hundred million Hindus. That is to say, very nearly twenty per cent of Hindustan (India) was untouchable.

Untouchables Standard of Living:
The Untouchables had different names in different parts of the country. They were called Outcastes, Untouchables, Pariahs, Panchamas, Atishudras, Avarnas, Antyajas and Namoshudras. Their social disabilities were specific and severe and numerous. Their touch, shadow and even voice were deemed by the caste Hindus to be polluting. So they had to clear the way at the approach of a caste Hindu. They were forbidden to keep certain domestic animals, to use certain metals for ornaments; were obliged to wear a particular type of dress. To eat a particular type of food, to use a particular type of footwear and were forced to occupy the dirty, dingy and unhygienic outskirts of villages and towns for habitation where they lived in dark, unsanitary and miserable smoky shanties or cottages. The dress of the male consisted of a turban, a staff in the hand, a rough blanket on the shoulder and a piece of lion cloth. The women wore bodices and rough sarees barely reaching the knees.
Insulting Treatment:
These untouchable Hindus were denied the use of public wells, and were condemned to drink any filthy water they could find. Their children were not admitted to schools attended by the caste Hindu children. Though they worshipped the gods of Hindus, observed the same festivals, the Hindu temples re closed to them. Barbers and washermen refused to render them service. The caste Hindus, who fondly threw sugar to ants and reared dogs and other domestic pets and welcomed persons of other religions to their houses, refused to give a drop of water to the Untouchables or to show them an iota of sympathy. These Untouchable Hindus were teased by the caste Hindus as sub-human, less than men, worse than beasts. This picture is still true of villages and small towns. Cities have now mostly overcome this prejudice.
Their Occupations:
`Their miseries did not end at this. As they were illiterate, ill-treated and untouchable for ages, all public services including police and military forces were closed to them. Naturally they followed hereditary occupations. Some of them plied trades of a lower and degrading order such as those of street-sweepers, scavengers and shoemakers. Some skinned carcasses, tanned hides and skins, worked in bamboos and cane and mowed grass. Others who were more fortunate tilled the land as tenants, worked as laborers in fields, a great number of them subsisted on food or grain given to them as village servants and also ate carrion. Thus being deprived of social, religious and civic rights, they had no chance to bettering their conditions; and so these untouchable Hindus lived the life of a bygone and dead age, dragging on their miserable existence in sufficient accommodation, unsanitary surroundings and social segregation. In short, they were born in debt and perished in debt. They were born Untouchables, they lived as Untouchables and they died as Untouchable.
Four Divisions:
`The origin of untouchability is an enigma to modern history. But it is generally held that it is a perverted outcome of the caste system. The Aryans knew no caste system. As time went on, the Aryans divided themselves for different occupations on the basis of division of labour and according to aptitude, liking and capacity of the individual. Those who took to learning were called Brahmins, those who undertook governance were classified as Kshatriyas, those who resorted to trade were termed Vaishyas, and those who served the foregoing three classes were known as Shudras.
Principle of Division:
But in actual practice this original principle of division of labour did not sustain itself long, so much that even a most ignorant, vile and fallen Brahmin continued to be regarded as someone next to God whereas a man from the lowest class, however high his qualifications, was condemned forever as a Shudder. The result was that the original four divisions became watertight compartments, and degenerated later into the present caste system. In this way the four Varnas came to stay as four castes, and the present tyrannous caste system became the reverse, the negation of its original meaning and purpose. Thereafter different professions, barriers of provinces, varying ways of living and diet, different superstitions and customs, broke up the main four castes and further led to the creation of over three thousand sub-castes.
Rule of Aryans:
There is a view that the Aryans adopted this system to preclude the possibility of racial mixture with the original dwellers in India. As they did not the Aryan Suzerainty, they led forays on their conquers, kidnapped their children and women, and harassed them by looting. In course of time, they were reduced to a servile status, their arrivals in and departures from the villages were regulated, unpleasant duties and insufferable disabilities were imposed upon them, and in the end they were condemned as Untouchable.
Untouchables were Buddhist:
Yet a third theory holds that these Untouchables originally were broken men and then the followers of Buddhism. In their fallen days, they did not assimilate themselves with the Vedic Hindus, or give up beef-eating, and so they were degraded and segregated as "Untouchable."
Untouchable Saints:
But did this system of unchallenged? Absolutely not. Several worthy sons of India have made from generation to generation energetic attempts to free Hindu society from this evil system which has degraded, segregated and devitalized it. Five hundred years before the birth of Christ, the kingly, mighty and rational Buddha rocked this system to its foundations for a considerable period and even initiated the Untouchables in to his religion. In the eleventh century Ramanuja, who had an untouchable disciple, threw open to the Untouchables the monasteries and temples which he had founded and built. Basav, who was a minister of a Karnataka King, tried in his own way to pull down this system. In the succeeding centuries saints like Chakradhar, Ramanand, Kabir, Chaitanya, Eknath, Tukaram, Rohidas and Chokhamela succeeded to a great extent in establishing equality in matter of their Bhakti cult.
Social Workers of Modern Times: Then followed the waves of the socio-religious revival inaugurated by Ram Mohan Roy and his lieutenants. But the most vital role was played by Mahatma Phooley who started in Poona, in 1848, the first school in India for the Untouchables. Although insulted, ridiculed and ousted by reactionaries and relatives, Phooley and his saintly wife nobly and unflinchingly served the cause of the Untouchables and strove for the education and emancipation of the untouchables. Shashidhar Bandhopadhyaya from Bengal, too, served this cause. Among the Indian Princes it was Shri Sayajirao Gaekwad of Baroda who started schools for the Untouchables in 1883 and the greatest King of Kolhapur, Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj. But in those days his state had to depend upon Muslim teachers for the growth of those schools, for caste Hindu teachers would not accept the posts of teachers in those schools.
Movement of Walangkar before Ambedkar:
The untouchable in Maharashtra, too, showed signs of a stirring from their age-long slumber. Their leader, Gopal Baba Walangkar, who was a follower of Mahatma Phooley and a bold propagandist, strove to remove the stain of untouchability and to convince the caste Hindus of their inhuman behaviour. The virile and valiant Dayanand made great efforts towards the abolition of untouchability. In the extreme south Colonel.Olcott was about to start his school for the Untouchables.
Education was the monopoly of Brahmins:
`In those days literature was the privileged treasure and education was the monopoly of the Brahmins. Untouchable were miles behind in the sphere of education. As the new Government was careful not to antagonise the Brahmins by educating the lower classes and especially the Untouchables, it always sidetracked the issue as far as possible. Beside, in those times the teachers, inspectors and officers were all Brahmin who would not bear the idea of mass education.
Birth
Ancestors:
Maloji (Malnak) Sakpal of Ambadave (for this how,according to reliable sources, the name of Babasaheb's ancestral village should be spelt and pronounced).Ambadave is a village near Dapoli. It is adjoining Mandangad sub-division of the Ratnagiri District of Maharashtra. Maloji like his son Ramji later on had retired from the British Army. Ramji (1848-1913) was recruitment in the British Army in 1866, under the command of Subhedar Major Laxman Murbadkar. Ramji was promoted in course of time as Subhedar, and he was head-master of an Army Normal School. Murbadkars too were a family of army-men belonging to the village of Murbad in Thane District near Bombay.
Devotional Family:
The family belonged to the devotional Kabir School of thought. This Bhakti school of thought found consolations in the human attributes like compassion, benevolence and resignation to god. This devotees sought and found moral and spiritual food in Lord Krishna or Shri Rama. But the most humanising and broadening effect upon their mind was that the followers of this Bhakti School had abolished the rigidity of the caste system as Kabir the founder of the school had roundly condemned it. This was one of the reason why some untouchable families turned to the Kabir cult. To the followers of Kabir anybody who worshipped god belonged to god irrespective of caste and birth.
Mother Bhimabai: Babasaheb's mother Bhimabai (1854-96) came of the Murbadkars and untouchable Hindu family. They were a rich family from the village of Murbadkar in the Thane district. Fair by complexion, she had a broad forehead, curly hair, round glowing eyes and a short nose. Her father and her six uncles were all Subhedar Majors in the army. They also belong to the Kabir cult and discuss hostly and keenly the philosophy of Kabir and theology of troupes.
A Story of Sanyasi and His Birth:

A story is associated with the birth of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. It is as strange and significant as the one that is connected with the symbolic interpretation of the dreams dreamt by the mother of the great Gautama Buddha when he was in the pre-natal stage. It tells that one of the of Ramji Sakpal who had turned Sanyasi a term for a Hermit - some years later in his grand old age came in the company of some Hermits upon Mhow in Central India resided with his family. One of the women from his family who was on her way to the river for washing purposes happen to pass by the group of Hermits among whom was the old lady. She at once recognised him. Ramji Sakpal ran to him and entreated him to bless his house with a visit. But as the Sanyasin had renounced the world he would not come. However he conferred on Ramji Sakpal a boon that a boy would be born in the family who would live his mark on history. Entrance with the belief, Ramji Sakpal and his wife intensified their religious observances. The boon took effect at Mhow (Military Headquarters Of Warriors) near Indore in the present Madhya Pradesh, on April 14, 1891, at Dawn in the birth of a boy who was named Bhim and who became really a picturesque figure in the history of Hindustan. Ramji Sakpal had fourteen child.

Childhood

Started Schooling at Dapoli, Ratnagiri, Maharashtra:

Bhim was hardly two years old when his father retired from military service and came down to Dapoli on Konkan from Central India. He was put to school at Dapoli when he was five years old. There he began his primary education along with his elder brother. Subhedar Ramji Sakpal could not stay long at Dapoli. He move to Bombay and secured a job in the military quarters at Satara.

Arrived Satara with his family and Death of Bhimabai, his Mother:
Soon after their arrival at Satara, a great misfortune befell the family. Bhimabai, a self-respecting and self-reliant and religious soul, gave up her spirit. The Samadhi (A stone or a monument over the place where a great man or woman is cremated) of Bhimabai is at Satara. At the death of Bhim's mother who died when he was about six, only three sons and two daughters survived out of fourteen children. Balaram was the eldest, Anandrao was the second, then followed two daughters Manjula and Tulsi and the youngest was Bhim, who in later life called himself "Chaudave Ratna" which signified "a sound thrashing". The daughters were married and they looked after their brothers turn by turn. Besides Ramji's sister, Mirabai, was there to take care of the family. She was a smart, short and hunchbacked woman and had a good knowledge of the practical world. Bhim being the Benjamin in the house, claimed the special care and attention of his aunt, and as was natural the motherless youngest child Bhim became her favourite.
Ramji and Phooley: Ramji was a full-fledge teacher trained at the Normal School and then established by Government for turning out teachers to impart education in Government schools. It may be noted that education was then compulsory for the children of the children as well as both male and female relations of the military servants. For fourteen years Ramji Sakpal served as headmaster in the military school and had attained the rank of Subhedar-Major in the 2nd Grenadiers. But he was known as Subhead Ramji. A friend and admirer of Mahatma Phooley, this industrious man always took great interest in the social problems of his day which concerned the fate of his community. Bhim derived from his father his painstaking spirit, his forceful mental energy and the interest in the welfare of his society.
Pugnacious, resourceful and fearless Bhimrao: Bhim was pugnacious, resourceful and fearless. He could defy anybody and anything that dictated rules of conduct and discipline. Nobody could forbid him to do a thing without a challenge or reaction. One day, in soaking rains he went to school because his classmate challenged him to go to the school without an umbrella. He took up the gauntlet and walked, like the invincible general in Napoleon, to the school despite the cold, chilling torrents of rains. His shirt and the loin cloth called the Dhoti-for this was his dress during his childhood-were dripping. The class teacher by name Pendse, who was a Brahmin, was moved at the sight, and he at once asked his son to take Bhim to his residence, to give him a hot bath and a piece of cloth to wear and to hang up his wet clothes to dry. For a short while the obstinate was happy over the success of getting an off-days! His pleasure, however, soon rolled into tears as he was brought in to the class and made to sit half-naked.
Brahmin teacher gave his name: There was another Brahmin teacher in the High school. His surname was Ambedkar. Obliging and humane, he was a very irregular teacher. Hr loved Him very much. He dropped daily a part of his meal -boiled rice, bread and vegetables- into the hands of Bhim during the recess. This teacher has left his impress on the life of his pupil. The original surname of Bhim's father was Sakpal. It was a family name. Bhim drew his surname Ambavadekar from his native village Ambavade, as Maharashtrian surnames are often derived from the names of the ancestral villages. Teacher took so much fancy to the boy that he even changed his surname from Ambavadekar to his own surname Ambedkar.

Loving Aunt: But was Bhim progressing well in his studies? So far little or no love for his studies. He had full freedom to indulge in all sorts of hobbies and fancies , and gardening had so much fascinated his mind that he spent every pie he could lay his hand upon purchasing new plants. Fed up with this, he took to tending cattle and rearing goats. He was rarely to be found at home . On one occasion "I actually did some hamal Work at Satara Station. My aunt terribly felt humiliated at this conduct of mine, but she loved me so much that she had no heart to punish me."
Ramji's Second marriage with Jijabai: When he was nine Bhim's father had changed his mind and married a second time, although he had intended at first not to marry and put his children under a step-mother. Bhim did not like the idea of another woman taking the place of his mother, and he hated her for wearing his mother's ornaments. Bhim now decided that he must not depend upon his father for maintenance and must earn his own bread. He had heard from his sisters that boys from Satara had found jobs in mills in Bombay, and he therefore, decided to be a winding boy in a Bombay mill.
Plan to steal the purse: But how was he to get the money to go to Bombay? He thought out a plan to steal the purse of his dear aunt in whose company he slept on the floor. "For three successive nights I tried to remove the purse tucked up at the waist of my aunt, but without success. On the fourth night I did get hold of the purse, but to my disappointment I found only half an anna, of course, I could not go to Bombay. The four nights experience was so nerve-racking that I gave up the idea of collecting money in this shameful manner and I came to another decision- a decision that gave an entirely different turn to my life. I decided that I must give up my truant habits that I must study hard and get through my examinations as possible, so that I might earn my own livelihood and be independent of my father From that day he gave all his irregular habits and activities and became so diligent in his studies that his teachers, who ere at first disappointed in him, now advised his father to give him the best possible education"
Move to Dabak Chawl, Parel, Bombay: Subhedar Ramji moved his family to Bombay. the family lived in a small room in a chawl called the Dabak Chawl at Lower Parel. It was situated in the labour area with an environment of the underworld. His daughters had been already married and they also resided in Bombay. He got his sons admitted to the Maratha High School. By now Bhim much progress in his studies. Under his father Bhim did the Howard's English Reader and the three famous translation books by Tarkhadkar. Bhim was well grounded in translation exercises and he had now attained knowledge of English better than most of his class-mates. This particular method of translation adopted by his father, he great fully once observed, made him ransack his memory for equipment terms, increased his vocabulary and laid the foundation on which he could subsequently build up his fame as a front-rank author of India.

Ramji supplied books to Bhim: Bhim's father ungrudgingly supplied daughters him with new books, borrowing money from his two married daughters on most of the occasions and at times even pawning their ornaments, which he had given them as marriage gifts and redeeming them after he received his monthly pension which was sum of rupees fifty. It was his ardent desire that his son should become a man of letters and light.

Joined Elphinstone High School: After a few month, Bhim was sent to the Elphinstone High School in Bombay. He lived in the same one-room tenement in the old chawl at Parel. There was no chance for the provision of a study, and the possibility of employing a tutor was beyond a dream. The small room was full of domestic articles and utensils. It was smoky and crowded. Firewood was stored above head and also in one corner, and in the other corner was the fireplace. The room served as a kitchen, a parlor, a lying-in room, a study - all in one. Subhedar solved the problem of his son. He asked his son to go to bed early. Bhim slept on a quilt. near his head lay a grind-stone huddled into the wall and a she-goat panted below his legs. His father sat up all night till two in the morning, and, awakening his son for study, he retired. Bhim studied till early morning, now and then turning in his bed before a flickering kerosene oil-lamp which had no glass cover to serve as a chimney. After having a little sleep in the morning, he took his bath and went to school.

Constant touch with the Labour's Life: Bhim ate his meals at school. The meal consisted of some piece of bread and vegetables and was left at his school by a workman who had his job in the Fort area. Bhim's residence being in a labour locality he was in constant touch with the labour life which was full of hardships. Sometimes he had opportunities of observing the conditions of the labour class when he carried the tiffin carriers of some of his relatives to the mills. As a school boy, he had his lighter moments. Sometimes he played cricket and football and often led the teams.

Passed Matriculation and felicitated Dada Keluskar with his book "Life of Gautama Buddha": Bhim prosecuted his studies and at last passed the Matriculation Examination in 1907 from Elphinstone High School. Bhim obtained 282 out of 750 marks. his highest score being in the Persian language. This was an uncommon achievement for an Untouchable. The event was, therefore, celebrated by his community. they called a meeting in Bombay to honour Bhimrao under the presidentship of S. K. Bole, who was a well-known social reformer. At this meeting was present a well-known Marathi author and social reformer, Krishnaji Arjun Keluskar. He was an assistant teacher at Wilson High School and had come across Bhimrao at a garden where both of them spent their evenings in reading. Charmed with the studious habit of young Bhimrao, he took a fancy for him, lent him books and presented him with a copy of his new book, Life of Gautama Buddha ! Keluskar spoke at the meeting was over, Keluskar commendable achievement.

Youth

Bhimrao Married with Ramabai: After Matriculation success of Bhimrao his father had approved of a girl, but soon afterwards changed his mind and for setting aside that betrothal the Subhead had to pay a fine of rupees five to his caste Panchayat. The place was Bhimrao's marriage took place was a strange one. It was the open shed of the Byculla Market in Bombay. After the day's market was over, at night the bridegroom and his men lodged on one spacious by the bride and her relatives. Small gutters of dirty water flowed underneath their feet. The little stone-platforms in the market served them as benches, and the whole market served place served as a marriage hall.

Joined Elphinstone College: Encouraged by the noble ambition of his father , Bhimrao Ambedkar joined Elphinstone College in Bombay. He began his studies in right earnest; but owing to ill-health he lost one year. After he passed his Inter Arts Examination his father ran out of the funds and here Keluskar ran to his succour. Keluskar lost no time to wait upon the Maharaja of Baroda. He reminded the Maharaja of the announcement which he had made a few days earlier at a Townhall meeting in Bombay, promising help to any worthy Untouchable in the prosecution of higher studies.Sayajirao Gaekwad was a ruler and was a great benefactor asked him some questions. Satisfied with his answers, he granted a scholarship of rupees twenty-five per menses. Thus Keluskar proved to be a real teacher .

Moved to Trust Chawl, Parel, Bombay: Subhedar Ramji moved into the Trust Chawl No. 1 at Parel, Bombay. There the family occupied on the second floor two rooms nos. 50 and 51, one opposite the other. Room no. 50 was used as both a study and a parlour and the other was used for household purposes. Bhimrao studied in room and father sat outside watching. He passed his B. A. Examination in 1912. A. B. Gajendragadkar, who in after life happened to be the Principal of Siddharth College founded by Dr. Ambedkar in Bombay, topped the list of the successful candidates.

Death of his father Ramji: After his graduation, Bhimrao Ambedkar took service in Baroda, the state of his benefactor. He was appointed to the post of a lieutenant in the Baroda State Forces. Bhimrao Ambedkar served in the Baroda state for about fifteen days in January 1913 when he received a telegram informing him that his father was seriously ill in Bombay. He left Baroda immediately to look after the health of his father. On his way home he got down at Surat station to buy sweet -meats for his father and lost his train. Next day when he reached Bombay he stood aghast at the sight of his sinking father. The sinking but searching eyes of the dying man moved on to his darling son. He moved his feeble hand over his son's back and the next moment death-rattle was in his throat. his eyes closed and his legs and hands became motionless. He breathed his last. It was February 2, 1913 the saddest day in Bhimrao's life.

Sayajirao Gaekwad, the King of Baroda State decided to send U.S.A. Bhimrao for higher education: He was now in no mood to return to his job in Baroda. His short stay there had been unhappy. At last another chance came his way in June 1913. The Maharaja of Abroad, at this juncture, thought of sending some students to the U.S.A. for higher studies at Columbia University. Maharaja decided to send Bhimrao along with three other students for higher education. Bhimrao was called to Baroda . On June 4, 1913, he signed an agreement before the Deputy Minister for Education of the Baroda State, agreeing to devote his time to studying the prescribed subjects and to serve for ten years the Baroda State after the completion of his studies.
Higher Education
Arrived at New York: Ambedkar arrived in New York in the third week of July 1913. For a week stayed at the Hartley Hall, a dormitory of the University. He did not like the food as a majority of the dishes were ill-cooked and consisted of beef. So he shifted to a Cosmopolitan Club at 554 West, 114 Street, where some of the Indian students lived. Thereafter he stayed at Livingstone Hall Dormitory with Naval Bhathena, a Parsee student, who formed a lifelong friendship with him.
Life in America: Life in America, a foreign land, was a unique and moving experience in life that Ambedkar met with in New York. Therefore in company with other students and colleagues he could move freely. He could read, he could write, he could walk, he could bathe and he could rest with a status of equality. Meals at regular hours, eating on a table loath, and napkin ! to him life at Columbia University was revelation. It was a new world. It enlarged his mental horizon. There was no time for pleasant idleness, or for the fill of enjoyment of the University life habitual with the sons of rich men. The thought of going to the theatre did not Ross his mind, nor did he spend hi time in strolling, nor did he toiler in sightseeing in the city of New York. He had a vigorous appetite, but appeased it with a cup of coffee, two muffins and a single meat or fish dish, which cost him one dollar and ten cents. His aim was now not only to be a holder of the highest university degrees but also to be the master of science, politics, sociology, economics. In India he had obtained his B. A. degree with the English and Persian languages; but now he took up Political Science, Moral Philosophy, Anthropology, Sociology and Economics as the subjects for his studies.
Attained M.A. and Ph.D. degree: Professor R.A.Seligman was a friend of Lala Lajpat Rai who was introduced to Seligman by Sydney Web. Ambedkar took to Seligman as a duck takes to water and ran after the professor from class to class with his special permission to attend his classes. Ambedkar attained his M. A. degree in 1915 for his thesis "Ancient Indian Commerce." He also read a paper on "Caste in India, Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development" before the Anthropology Seminar of Dr. Goldenweiser in May 1916. Ambedkar was working simultaneously on another thesis. It was the "National Dividend of India - A Historic and Analytical Study". It was accepted by Columbia University in the second week of June 1916. Eight years after this Messrs. P.S.King and Son Ltd., London, published an extension of this thesis under the title, The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India. Ambedkar then submitted the required number of copies of the thesis to the University, and Columbia University officially awarded him the degree of Doctor of Philosophy for this dissertation.
Book dedicated to Sayajirao Gaekwad: His success in the academic world was so brilliant that he was heartily felicitated at a special dinner given in his honor by the students and professors belonging to the faculty of Arts. Young Americans whose forefathers had struggled for the abolition of slavery of the Negroes were celebrating the success of a young man who had the will and mission of Lincoln and the labour of Booker T. Washington. The book was dedicated to His Highness Shri Sayajirao Gaekwad, Maharaja of Baroda, as a token of "my gratitude to his help in the matter of my education."
Learnt first lesson in Public Finance: Edwin R.A. Seligman who taught Ambedkar the first lesson in public finance. In the thesis Provincial Finance Ambedkar admits that there was some advancement in material progress, but observes that no people in the world can long remain content with the benefits of peace and order, for they are not dumb brutes. He adds that everybody knows that the whole policy of India was dedicated by the interests of the English industries and English manufacturers. He concludes that in every country there have been downtrodden communities suffering from social oppressions and social injustice, and yet no country had to be without political power on that account.
Book became a companion: This famous book became a companion of the Members of the Indian Legislative Councils and the Central Assembly at the time of budget discussions during the British regime, a ready reference for men in authority and a guide to students of economics. Shortly after the publication of this book, Ambedkar was called to give evidence before the Royal Commission Indian Currency. It must have been a matter of great pleasure to Ambedkar to see every Member of the Commission holding the book in his hand.
Lala Lajpat Rai requested him to join Political Movement for the freedom of India: In New York the purchased about two thousand old books with the joy of a bibliophile and entrusted the boxes containing the books to the care of a friend to take them to India. Somehow this trust proved to be somewhat misplaced since later in India he got only some and not all of these books. He left America in June 1916 and reached London after a few days. In America Lala Lajpat Rai requested to Ambedkar to join political movement for the freedom of India. Ambedkar told great leader of India that he was a student and he must complete his studies without betraying the sacred trust of the Maharaja who had given him an opportunity in his life.
Started Study on Law in Grays Inn, London: Immediately he got himself admitted in October 1916 to the Grays Inn for Law and for the study of Economics to the London School of Economics and Political Science. His studies in Economics now were far advanced. So the London professors allowed him to prepare for the Doctor of Science. But in meanwhile he was informed that the period of scholarship was over and therefore he was called back to India by the Deewan of Baroda. He boarded a train at Boulegne on July 27, and reaching Marseilles, he embarked the Kaiser-i-Hind. War destruction was its meridian. It was very dangerous to travel in the midst of the terror of bombs and submarines. And it so happened that about this time a steamer was torpedoed in the Mediterranean Sea. When this dreadful news reached Ambedkar's family, all the members of the family were plunged into deep sorrow. Cablegram were exchanged, and they heaved a sigh of relief when they came to know that Bhimrao was travelling in the Kaiser-i-Hind and the steamer that fell a victim to the enemy submarine carried his luggage only.

Self Development

He arrived at Bombay: When he came from London in Oct. 1917 and arrived in Bombay. A meeting was called by Sambhaji Waghmare and others to felicitate him but he did not attend the meeting. In conformity with the agreement, Ambedkar decided to leave for Baroda. He had no money to go to Baroda. But fortunately for him Messrs. Thomas Cook and Son paid him damages for his luggage. Ambedkar received the payment with the mixed feelings. He was sad because he had lost his valuable collection of books which he had collected in New York and London. He would give part of the money to his wife for household expenses and use the balance for his railway fare.

Started business: He had an unsuppressed longing to complete his studies in London.Through the good offices of a Parsee gentleman he became a tutor to two students. Simultaneously he started a business firm offering advice to the dealers in the stocks and Shares. It promised a good income. But soon it became known to all dealers that its proprietor was an untouchable, and he had to close it down. For some time he looked after the correspondence and accounts of a Parsee gentleman.

Government appointed him professor of Political Economy in Sydenham College: He heard the news that a vacancy had occurred in Sydenham College of Commerce and Economics, Bombay. He applied for the post of professorship. He wrote a letter to Lord Sydenham, former Governor of Bombay. Government appointed him professor of Political Economy in Sydenham College. He accepted the post in November 1918, on a temporary basis. Some Gujarati professors objected to his drinking water from the post reserved for the professorial staff.

Ramabai saintly woman: As a professor Ambedkar drew a handsome salary he lived very frugally. He lived in the same two rooms one opposite the other in the Improvement Chawl at Parel in the labour area. He gave a fix portion of his salary to his wife for running the household. While Ambedkar was in America, Ramabai, his wife saintly woman lived in a state of extreme destitution but without a whisper of grumbling, her eyes turned towards God for the safety and prosperity of her husband. When her husband left for America, she was pregnant. She gave birth to a son, but that son, Ramesh, died in infancy. After her husband's return, she bore a son. He was named Gangadhar. He also died in infancy. She had now her only son Yashwant whose health caused her anxiety yet she lived as sparingly as she could, kept herself from her husband's study, gave him no news of any illness in the family and saw that nobody disturbed him in his studies.

Left for a London to complete studies in Law and Economics: The young professor saved money , got some help from the Maharaja of Kolhapur, took a loan of Rs. 5000 from his friend Mr. Naval Bhathena, and again left for a London in July 1920 to complete his studies in Law and Economics. The Baroda officials in their flaming zeal to guard the interest of the Maharaja and to control the finances of the state, took extraordinary pains in insisting on the repayment of the scholarship by Ambedkar.

Routine Life in London: On his arrival in London, Ambedkar resumed his studies in Economics from September 1920 at the London School of Economics and Political Science and also kept terms for the Bar at the Grays Inn. Time was important factor for him. To save both money and time he would go without a lunch. He had then taken his lodgings at a semi-boarding house conducted by a lady. Asnodkar from Bombay also stayed with the family as a paying guest. The keeper of the boarding house was a harsh and terrible lady. The breakfast she offered her boarders consisted of a piece of fish, a cup of tea, a piece of bread with a sprinkling of jam. Cramming this stinted little stuff, Ambedkar ran to Museum in the early morning and was almost the first man to enter it. Ambedkar's research work did not confine itself to the Museum alone . He also read several volumes and old reports in the India Office Library, in the London University Library and in other city Libraries noted for books on economics, and took down voluminous notes on the subject of his thesis. This tremendous laborious day-time work was followed by an evening walk in the open air for about half an hour and then dinner at the house of the same lady. It consisted of a cup of Bovril to be relished with some biscuits and a little butter.

Reading Marathi Plays: Although Ambedkar was away from India for these long toilsome years, he was keeping himself well-informed about the centres of the Depressed Classes that were working for the uplift of the Untouchables in India. In those days it seems he was reading Marathi plays. He constantly reminded Shivtarkar to send some excellent Marathi dramas by Maharashtra's leading playwright, Gadkari. Another book he asked for from London was Ricardo's Works by McCulloch. It was a rare book. He wrote to S N Shivtarkar to go to a certain second-hand bookstall in Bombay in which he had seen the book a few months earlier.

Awarded the degree of Master of Science and called for Bar: During his stay in London Ambedkar Normally kept good health but it seems from one of his letters that he was ill in October 1922. Ambedkar's tremendous research work was gradually coming to an end. One thesis was completed. It was the "Provincial Decentralization of Imperial Finance in British India". For this he was awarded the degree of Master of Science in June 1921. In October 1922, he completed his famous thesis, "The Problem of the Rupee", and submitted it to the University of London. About the same time he was called to the Bar. He ha read a paper on "Responsibility of a Responsible Government in India" before the students Union. It has caused a stir in the academic world; even Prof. Harold J. Laski, then teaching at the London School of Science, opining that the thoughts expressed in the paper were frankly of a revolutionary nature.

The Problem of the Rupee: He had to return to Bombay in April 1923. A few days after, he re-submitted his thesis, "The Problem of the Rupee", from Bombay. The examiners accepted it and to his great joy he was at last awarded the degree of Doctor of Science. This thesis was published by Messrs. P. S. King and Son Ltd., London, in December 1923. He dedicated his great work to the memory of his father and mother. Ambedkar was now a Barrister reinforced by a London Doctorate in Science, an American Doctorate in Philosophy and studies at Bonn University.

Evaluation of Provincial Finance in British India: For bread and Butter Babasaheb decided to work as a prosecutor he started it. In July 1923, he started to work in High court. Due to untouchability solicitors never co-operated with him. Thus he was also working in District court. After some time he became independent. Though he was highly qualified he was unemployed. For development of Indian currency. He was appointed in" Royal Commission and Indian Currency and Finance". Mr. Advert was president of it. Commission Recorded Evidence of 40 peoples. When Ambedkar was called for evidence, his book " Evaluation of provincial finance in British India" was in everyone's hand.

Started Life as a Barrister: Ambedkar now decided to practice law, which would, provided him opportunities, means and leisure to devote himself to the aim of his life, the uplift of the untouchables. He had o money to obtain a Sanad. And once again the difficulty was got over by Mr. Naval Bhathena, his friend and benefactor, who gave him the money. With that money the Doctor got his Sanad and started life as a Barrister in June 1923.
Established Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha: Ambedkar also prepared himself in March 1924 to launch his social movement for the uplift of the Untouchables. To achieve his objective he convened a meeting on March 9, 1924, at the Damodar Hall, Bombay, to consider the desirability of establishing a central institution for removing difficulties of the Untouchables and placing their grievances before government. After much discussion bad debate, it was resolved that an institution be established and accordingly it was founded on July 20, 1924, under the title "Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha" and was registered under the Act XXI of 1860.
Attended Conferences of Barsi, Sholapur and Nipani: Second Bombay Provincial Conference was held at Barsi in Sholapur District by the Depressed Classes in the early part of the year 1924. He attended and guided the first Provincial Depressed Classes Conference at Nipani in the Bombay Presidency. He presided over the first Conference of Untouchables at Malwan in Ratnagiri District in April 1925. From Malwan he went to Goa at the pressing request of an admirer.
The statement submitted to Royal Commission: The Royal Commission on Indian Currency and Finance examined Dr. Ambedkar on December 15, 1925, in the light of the statement submitted by him to the Commission. In April of the same year he visited Jejuri. There was a meeting at which he suggested that the Untouchables should seek some land for colonisation.
Won Case against Brahmins of Poona: Ambedkar was gaining a foothold as a lawyer. During this year Ambedkar was engaged in a very important lawsuit. Some Brahmin from Poona had filed a suit against three non-Brahmin leaders K. B. Bagde, Keshavrao Jedhe and Dinkarrao Javalkar. They were charged with libeling the Brahmin community as they had published a pamphlet declaring that the Brahmins had ruined India. On the prosecution side was L. B. Bhopatkar, a great lawyer from Poona. The case came up before the Sessions judge for hearing. Ambedkar argued his case very ably, put up a very eloquent defense and won the case in October 1926.
Accepted a part-time post of a Lecturer in the Batliboi's Accountancy Training Institute: Ambedkar accepted a part-time post of a lecturer since June 1925 in the Batliboi's Accountancy Training Institute where he taught Mercantile Law. He served this Institute till the end of March 1928. It was during this period that Ambedkar's wife bore him a son. He was named Rajratna whom he loved dearly. Before the birth of this son, Ramabai had given a birth to a daughter, but she passed away in her infancy. Her name was Indu. Unfortunately Ambedkar lost his dearest his dearest son Rajratna somewhere in July 1926

Set-up Movement

Established Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha: When Babasaheb saw that his life becoming stable he decided for social work now. He established " Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha" on 20th July 1924. There upper class men was vice president of it. Mr. Chimanlal Setalwad was chairman and Babasaheb was president of the same. Mr. Namdev Shiratkar was appointed as secretary who was leather Maker.

Conference at Brass: Organization published a letter telling everyone must fight with untouchability to make country brighter and shiny. This letter was send everywhere after that in Barshi ( Sholapur, India) on 17th May 1924, one Assembly was held. Babasaheb was present for it. He gave a speech on Untouchability and hard treatment of the upper class society. He says that there is two answer you may change your Religion or country too.

Established boarding and published magazine "Saraswati Vilas": The organization "Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha" held seminars everywhere. In Mumbai Babasaheb's first meeting was very unsuccessful only five peoples was highly inspired. More and more peoples was attending Babasaheb's speech. "Mumbai Elaka Prantik Bahishkrit Parishad". Third Assembly was held an 10th April 1925. At Nipani Babasaheb said in his speech addressing to the untouchabililties "Gandhi gives first reference to Hindu and Muslim unity and Khadi but he neglected the untouchables questions. He gives examples of the revaluation in France and America "We just married our son with girl and forget him we neglect his progress thus parents are responsible for the progress. We shouldn't repeat the same business done by our father. We must forget that "Old is Gold "For education first we want to build a Boarding for students. Mr. B.H. Varale accepted the challenge and the boarding was Established in 1929 in Dharvad. 3 more boarding was Established situated at Jalgaon, Panvel and Ahemadabad. The organization also published a Magazine "Saraswati Vilas". In one case one candidate named M.K.Jadhav was rejected for the post of deputy collector though he was right candidate for the same post. Abashed corresponds with government and disclose the subject in Newspapers.In Kolhapur State Babasaheb's relations was best. Most people said to Babasaheb to appoint as secretary of the state. But Babasaheb politely refuse it.

First All-India Depressed Classes Conference: Ambedkar was mourning when the first Depressed Classes conference met. Besides there was no possibility of his attending the Congress sponsored Conference of the Untouchables ; although the aims of the second Conference were akin to his, he was not in a mood to participate in it. The Depressed Classes Mission Society of India held its First All-India Depressed Classes Conference on March 23 and 24, 1918, in Bombay. Reserved and sceptical of the movement started by the caste Hindus for the uplift of the Untouchables, Ambedkar did not associated himself with this Conference.

Started Mook Nayak: It was in 1919 that Ambedkar came in closer contact with the Maharaja of Kolhapur through Dattoba Powar. Ambedkar secured from the Maharaja some help for the fortnightly paper which he proposed to start. He started it on January 31, 1920, under the title Mook-Nayak, leader of the dumb. Although Amedkar was not its official editor, he was the man behind it and it was his mouthpiece.

Mangaon Conference :On March 21, 1920, Ambedkar presided over a conference of the Untouchables at Mangaon in the Kolhapur state. It was attended by Shri Shahu Maharaj himself. Speaking at the conference, the Maharaja declared in prophetic vein : "You have found your saviour in Ambedkar. I am confident that he will break your shackles. Not only that, a time will come when so whispers my conscience, Ambedkar will shine as a front-rank leader of All-India fame and appeal."

First All-India Conference: Another important conference in which Ambedkar's voice echoed was held in the last week of May, 1920, at Nagpur. This was the First All-India Conference convened by Untouchables and was presided over by no less a personality than Shri Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur. About this time Karmaveer Shinde suggested on behalf of his Depressed Classes Mission that the representative of the Untouchables should be selected by the of the Legislative Council, and not by Government or by the institutions belonging to the Untouchables. He had deputed his men to Nagpur to get his point of view accepted by this conference. Ambedkar who boiled at this gross insult, made a fighting speech resenting the attitude taken by Shinde, and the conference by a special resolution protested against such a step being taken by government. It was during this debate that Ambedkar's skill and presence of mind as a debater and his ability as a prospective leader were seen to a remarkable degree. It was here that Ambedkar won his first victory in public life.

Appointed as Member in Lower Assembly: When Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha was well established and The Governor of India heard about it then he gave full support to it and gave a cheque sum of Rs. 250/-. Babasaheb Thanks in one article in Bahishkrit Bharat. Babasaheb was appointed as member in lower assembly on 18th February 1927. He gave his first speech on budget estimate. He said we must take revenue as like old revenue systems. Compulsory education medical facilities and development was main goal in speech. Though it was first speech but it was so powerful that everyone was inspired with Babasaheb pleasing and smart personality, grasping power , stage daring and concise communication. Mr.Dehvali who was president of assembly invite Babasaheb for lunch.

Worked at Botliboy Accountancy training institute: When he was coming back to lupine his Friend cause small accident. They stop at Satara road station. When he was coming back. He stopped at Satara Camp Naka. Here Babasaheb's mother "Samadhi". He come sad for sometime. That time Babasaheb was living in a small room in improvement chawl (Parel). This was the colony of workers he was introduced with their problems. Babasaheb was working as Advocate in Social Service League most famous personalities comes to meet him here. Soon the Sydenham college was needed one Professor the education Minister failed to give this job to Babasaheb but he asked to him for the same post in Elphinstone college but Babasaheb refused it and said "I don't care about this job I want to spend my whole life for my people. For some He worked as a teacher in Botliboy Accountancy training institute from June 1925 to March 1928.
Rajratna died: The fighting against untouchability was now became very stable. In one speech Babasaheb said " I refused all the limitation which was applied by the upper class that is why I am in freedom now my mind and my heart is so far from the situations now". In mid of 1926 Babasaheb's one son Rajratna was died. His three sons and one doughtier was already died it was very hard for him to became in abnormal condition again.
Koregaon War Victory Memorial : The new year opened with a meeting at the Koregaon War Memorial held by the Depressed Classes. This year prominent leaders of the Depressed Classes attended the ceremony. Ambedkar addressed the meeting at the Memorial and told the audience that hundreds of fighters from their community had fought on the side of Britishers who ungratefully latter dubbed them a non-military community. He said that their fighting on the side of the Britishers was not a matter of pride. Since the caste Hindus treated them as Untouchables and a despicable lot, they had no means of livelihood, and in the last resort they joined the British forces. In the end he asked his people to agitate against this policy and compel Government to remove the ban on their military career.
Nominated to the Bombay Legislative Council: About this time, the Governor of the Bombay nominated Ambedkar to the Bombay Legislative Council. The Bombay Depressed Class teachers called a meeting on February 2, 1927, and decided to celebrate this event by presenting a purse to their leader. Accordingly, two months later, on April 19, a meeting was held in Damodar Hall at Parel, Bombay under the presidentship of S. K. Pendurkar, a Municipal Educational Supervisor. Ambedkar thanked the Depressed Class teachers for their grateful appreciation of his work and donated the purse to the Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha.

Chavdar Tank Struggle

Choose Chavdar Tank for First Social Struggle: In third week of July 1927, Babasaheb said in one function " I am not working just for Mahar but for every untouchable cast. I am fighting for everyone. Babasaheb took part in Mumbai university revision of Education Committee. He said we must work for the civilization of graduates and post graduates. We should appoint the untouchable students on universities senate. Now Babasaheb decided to take taste of his movement, The movement start by social religions and politicians. He chose Mahad's (India) Chavdar Tank. The Tanks water was very sweet in tastes. Everyone was allowed to drink this including dogs and other animals but except the untouchables according to one resolution in Mumbai assembly the untouchables was allowed on wells, lakes, rivers , schools, dispensaries, hospitals and courts. Mumbai Government send the GR about the same to every department of government. So want to show that drinking the lakes water is a human right and we must follow it.
Mahad Conference and Opened Chavdar Tank for Everyone: Babasaheb was well introduced with Mahar in childhood. The people living in this place was Babasaheb's friends. He had guarantee that these people might give life if the circumstances arrives and these people was very strict due to Military education because they were either retired or working with Military. Mahad municipal corporation had also passed one resolution that this lake is open for everyone including the untouchables. So we are fighting legally said Babasaheb. The Conference was to be held on 19th March 1927. People gathered from Maharashtra and Gujrat. It was impossible to get water in time that is why they bought drinking water for Rs. 40/- from the touchable. Babasaheb start his speech with Achaar-Vichaar-Uchchar are the basic important fundas in our life we must develop it. Never eat dead meat, Don't waste food refuse the gap between the upper-class and lower-class. The conference was started at 9.00 p.m. according to municipal corporation of Mahad the Chavdar lake is open for everyone and people should obey the same decision. Babasaheb with his 5000 people reached to Chavdar lake Babasaheb took First sip and and others repeated in nonviolence they come back to the venue.
Spoke on the aim of Conference: When Babasaheb arrived in Dasgaon he took his lunch with the people then started for conference at 4.30 P.M. In front of 15000 poor brothers who came for conference by walk. Babasaheb said in rough voice that "If we don't drink the water of Chavdar Tank we are not going to die But we have to show that we are also like the other people. This conference is just called for cut of the distance between the upper-class and the lower class." He compared the conference with Versai (France) which was called on 5th May 1789 and said that "As they wanted to establish their organization we also have to establish the same. The way The organization will suggest that we have to follow develop the Hindu society. The Hindu society should be reconstructed on two principles: similarity and non-casteism that he said in the end. With the president of Mahad Municipality Babasaheb visited Chavdar Tank again. Babasaheb argument his point clearly with the judge of court. With very few loss the full revolution happened here within a short time interval. It is the marvel in the world history.
Drank Water : Ambedkar was now exorcising the spirit of the despair from the minds of the dumb millions who had been forced to live the lives of sub-human beings. Here was a liberator preaching them the grand universal law that liberty is never received as gift; it has to be fought for. Self-elevation is not achieved by the blessing of others but only by one's own struggle and deed. The Untouchables were marching to vindicate their rights. They all displayed discipline, energy and enthusiasm. The march wended its way through the streets of Mahad and terminated at the Chavdar Tank, Ambedkar himself was standing on the verge of the Tank. Enlightened among the enlightened, the equal of any erudite man on earth, a Hindu of noble aspirations, yet unable even to take water from a public watercourse or to read in a public library in Hindustan, the land of his birth and faith, was now defying the arrogance of the tyrants, exposing the baseness of a people who boasted that their religion treated even animals with forbearance, but who treated their co-religionists worse than cats and dogs. Ambedkar took water from the Tank and drank it. The yast multitude of men followed suit and vindicated their right. The precisionists then returned peacefully to the pandal.
Brutal attack on delegates: Two hours after this event, some evil-minded caste Hindus raised a false rumour that the Untouchables were also planing to enter the temple of Veereshwar. At this a large crowd of riffraff armed with bamboo sticks collected at street corners. All orthodox Mahad was up in arms and the whole town at once became a surging mass of rowdies. The rowdies patrolling the main streets and assaulting members of the Depressed Classes who were in stray batches on the way to their villages. But the most reprehensible part of their conduct was that they sent messages to their henchmen to punish the delegates of the Conference in their respective villages. In obedience to this mandate assaults were committed on a number of Mahar men and women either before or after they had reached their villages. Meanwhile, this news of the brutal attack on the delegates spread like wild fire. When Ambedkar returned to the Bungalow, he saw about a hundred men impatiently awaiting his orders, their eyes literally blazing with fire and their hands itching for retaliation and revenge. Their struggle was non-violent and constitutional. They did not dream of breaking the law. Thus a more serious riot was averted. At nightfall all the delegates left for their respective villages. Ambedkar with his lieutenant, Anandrao Chitre, left the Bungalow as it was booked by a Government officer from that evening, and took up his residence in the police station rooms. He completed his inquiry into the riot and returned to Bombay on 23rd March.
Angry Untouchables: After at all people start to surf in the town in group of four or five at the same time the upper-class society scheduled a violence way on the untouchables. "The religion is in danger", was poem of the every upper-class no one from untouchables had idea about it. As soon as the news came the untouchables was decided to teach a lesson. These people was retired from Military and they were winners of the Afgan War. It was not impossible for them to take violent way and gave the same answer but Babasaheb said seriously "No one will take a violent way. Though apposing party hurting us let it be. stay in peace we want to teach them "ahimsa" means non-violence."
Purified Chavdar Tank: After all the police and Mamaledar entered. Babasaheb sent all injured people for medical treatment the F I R was filed. At the same time in Mumbai Ramabai was worried about her husband. After some days the conference of Brahmins (upper-class) was held in Vishnu Mandir. The conference decided to fill 108 pots of water was taken from Chavdar Tank the dropping and urine of cow was mixed with milk and cured and all these ingredients was emptied in lake. One can guess how the India's sacred thoughts are dirty. The urine and dropping is more pure than just the touch of lower class. The general people restarted to use the water again including the Muslims. The conference taken by Babasaheb changed whole lifestyle of the lower class. it was the revolutionary goal. It was first step of changing world. For the first time the lower class society learned to fight. People was inspired from the conference they move back to their villages. They refused to eat dead meat, proceeding dead cattle and begging. The first chain was broke over here.
Started Bahishkrit Bharat: Then all untouchables was found in danger. The society refused to co-operate with them every corner of India was reflected with this. Mr. Savarkar, Bapurao Joshi, Tipnis family was support to Babasaheb. In that time every news papers view was in appose to Babasaheb to give the societies questions answer, to give information about the fighting to teach and consult people Babasaheb needs a newspaper very much. Though if the English would go back and the nation would became independent it was not guaranteed that the dalits would get right justice. So he started Bahishkrit Bharat the fortnight magazine. He was editor of the same. First issue was came out on 3rd April 1927. the magazine was closed on 15th November 1929. the frequency was not ideal, most issues comes in infrequent time. But the idea behind this news magazine was not professional Babasaheb covers almost topics of the same.
Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's 300th Birthday: The tercentenary Birthday celebrations of the great liberator of Hindustan, Shivaji the Great, were performed in 1927, all over Maharashtra. During the celebration Ambedkar was invited to preside over a meeting at Badlapur in Colaba District. With his lieutenants Shivtarkar and Deorao Naik, Ambedkar went to Badlapur where he was cordially received by Palaye Shastri, his Brahmin host, who had extended this unique invitation to the leader of the Untouchables in consultation with the people in the neighboring villages. Speaking at the meeting, Ambedkar ably and vigorously dwelt upon Shivaji's different facets of life such as his achievements, character and policy. Then he asked his audience numbering about five thousand to think over the causes that led to the downfall of the empire founded by Shivaji. He himself attributed the causes of its downfall to the invidious inequality in the social field and to the hatred for Peshwa rule.
Congratulated at Khara Abraham: On May 8, 1927, Ambedkar was congratulated at Khara Abraham on his being nominated to the Bombay Legislative Council. Bhimabai Desai, M.L.C., presided over the function. In the month of June 1927 it was announced in some of the Bombay newspapers that the new temple built at Thakurdwar in Bombay was open to all Hindus since its inceptions.
Thakurdwar Temple: Ambedkar fixed up an appointment on phone with the secretary of the head of the temple, and went there with Shivtarkar . A mischievous man saw this and he incited the people in the locality to drive Ambedkar out of the temple. Ambedkar was mobbed and heckled. Had not Ambedkar dealt with the situation firmly and told the bigots and fanatics that since the call from the head of the temple had brought them there, they would not leave the place unless the man in charge asked them to quit it. But the mob would not listen. The secretary, who was terrorized into submission, cancelled the interview, the head of the temple went back on his word and afterwards even purified with ceremonies the temple 'defiled' by the feet of Dr. Ambedkar.
Meeting at Mang Wada in Poona: In third week of July 1927, Ambedkar addressed a very important meeting at the Mang Wada in Poona. An important and feature of the meeting was that Ambedkar in a fighting speeches refuted all the charges leveled against him by a section of the Chamber Community who accused him of partiality. Detailing and dwelling upon his work in the hotels at Nasik. and Jalgaon, which were open to all sections of the Untouchables students, his efforts in installing P. Baloo in the Bombay Corporation, the rearing up of a Mang boy at his own residence and his all-section dinner in conferences, he averred that his movement aim at the uplift of the whole suppressed People.Hindu Sanghatanists who were wooing them because of the rising menace of the Muslim pressure. Citing his own example how a Brahmin hotel-keeper in Bombay refused to give him tea in a cup and offered it to him in a glass, he warned them that education alone would not solve their problem.
Shridharpant, son of Lokmanya Tilak: Lokmanya Tilak's son Shridharpant, came in contact with Ambedkar. He was a friend and admirer of Ambedkar. He was a promoter of a social reforms. In September 1927, he invited a choir of untouchable boy-singers to a function in Tilak's famous Gaikwad Wada in spite of the opposition of the Trustees of the Kesari . He was publicly congratulated by the Depressed Classes of Poona on the courageous step he took in the interest of social reform.

Manusmriti Cremation

Announcement of Mahad Satyagriha of 25 and 26 December, 1927: When Babasaheb come to know that the Chavdar lake is cleaned( ? ) Babasaheb get angry. This is no the usual way same he thought for the new weapon. Same time the upper-class politicians meet to Mr. Ambedkar and said if you neglect the Brahmins from the fight then we are ready to support you But he said "I am not fighting against the Brahmins but against their behaviour with others." Every Brahmin does not opposes to dalit ( the untouchables) Similarly other uppers societies also hate the dalits. On 26th June 1927 in Bahishkrit Bharat's editorial." If the dalits wants freedom then write your name in Bahishkrit Bharat's office". In the same Babasaheb asked "Is the religion is for man or is the man for religion. We are part of the Hindu religion or not"? We want to know it". The Mahad Municipal Corporation take back the decision that "the lake is open for everyone. Babasaheb established a new committee decided for the "Satyagraha" on 25 and 26 th December 1927. Mardey Johns who was a member of the Labor Party of the British Council came to Bombay in November. To show our work Babasaheb invite him for a tea Party on 4th Nov. 1927. On 25th Nov. 1927 in Bahishkrit Bharat's editorial Babasaheb said that now we are right for the satyagraha" If the untouchables get freedom then we will be free for every work it is essential for the progress of the Nation. Babasaheb choose ahimsa (a non violence way ) for the Satyagraha . At the same time his elder son Rajranta was died .
Amraoti Temple Entry Issue: The Mahad struggle was coming to a head the issue of temple entry at Amraoti. For the previous three months this struggle was boiling, and the trustees of the Ambadevi Temple were served with a notice by the promoters of the temple entry movement. Their reply came on August 21 that it was not possible for them to break off traditional customs and to follow the Depressed Classes to enter temple. Thereupon leaders like Dr. Panjabrao Deshmukh, other promoters of the temple entry movement in Berar and G. A. Gavai, a leader of the Untouchables, held meeting at Amraoti to discuss the issue. A compromise was suggested, but ultimately it broke down. The vanguard of the movement therefore, decided to hold a conference to take a final decision as to the struggle. Accordingly, on November 13, 1927, a conference of the promoters of temple entry movement was held at Indira Bhuvan Theatre, in Amraoti, over which Ambedkar was invited to preside. On the morning of November 14, as a mark of respect to the memory of the death of Ambedkar's brother, Balasaheb. The sad news was conveyed to him by a telegram.
Conference of Mahar Watandars: A big meeting of 5000 Watandars Mahars was held at Kamathipura, Bombay on November 5, 1927 under the presidentship of S. K. Bole. A Conference was held by the Nasik District Watandars on November 13, 1927. Another big meeting of 3000 Watandars Mahars was held Jalgaon were Ambedkar explained to them the principles and Provisions of his proposed Bill.
Caste Hindus held meeting at Veereshwar Temple : The day of the proposed Conference and the satyagriha at Mahad was drawing near. Mahad began to stir again. The opponents of the struggle held a meeting on November 27, 1927, at the Veereshwar Temple to formulate a plan to flout the attempts of Ambedkar and the Depressed Classes to take water from the Chavdar Tank. But owing to the presence of the sympathisers of the Depressed Classes the meeting ended in pandemonium. Some Poona Hindu leaders tried to dissuade the caste Hindus from opposing the struggle, but to no purpose.
Untouchable Saints: Babasaheb feel very sad about it. Babasaheb was present as a chief guest (Adhyaksha) of the untouchables Students Council on 2nd October 1927. He spoke that every student must be fight for the society's progress because futures of society is depend on them. Mr. Punjabrao Deshmukh and Nanasaheb Gavai was decided to enter in Amraoti (India) temple. The Amraoti temple entry Committee organized one meeting in the same Babasaheb speaks "No one of the God get problem by the touch of the untouchables. We don't need a special and Separate temple for us. If the Hinduism for both the upper-class and the untouchables too then god's house's entry is for everybody. In Hinduism religion progress some untouchables like "Valmiki" ( Writer of famous epic story Ramayana). Chokhamela, Rohidas have the measure parts. the Upper-class comity held in Vishveshwara Temple decided to oppose the satyagraha. Leaders to Hindus like Shree Gokhale Karandikar said to Babasaheb for "don't do this."
Orthodox filed a suit: The District Magistrate visited Mahad on December 7, and the leaders of both the sides discussed the question with him. He asked the caste Hindus to have recourse to law and refused to issue an order prohibiting the Untouchables from taking water from the Chavdar Tank. The leaders of the orthodox section, therefore, field a suit against Ambedkar, Shivtarkar, Krishnaji S. Kadam and Ganya Malu Chambhar of Mahad - leaders of the Depressed Classes - on December 12, 1927, in the civil court at Mahad and asked for the issue of a temporary injunction. The court issued a temporary injunction on December 14, against the defendants pending the decision of the suit. Accordingly notices were served on Ambedkar, Shivtarkar and Krishnaji Kadam, prohibiting them and all the Depressed Classes or on their behalf these three leaders from going to the Chavdar Tank or from the Tank until further orders. The orthodox and reactionary forces shrewdly enough forced on Ambedkar a fight on two fronts. On the one side was standing an indifferent foreign Government and on the other was the caste Hindu section headed by the orthodox Brahmins.
Preparation of Mahad Struggle: Elaborate preparations for holding the Conference were made. As no Hindu landloard allowed the use of his land for the pandal, a site for the Conference was secured with great difficulty from a Muslim. As the local merchants refused to have any dealings with the men connected with the conference, the Reception Committee had to purchase corn and other materials from outside, sufficient to last for ten days. Anandrao Chitre managed the work very efficiently. To Subhedar Ghatge was entrusted the food arrangement and maitenance of order and discipline. All the chief Government Executives of the District gathered at Mahad on December 19. Police were posted on all sides of the Chavdar Tank. Delegates and spectators began to pour in Mahad from December 21. The District Magistrate visited their camp every day to dissuade the delegates from the proposed satyagriha.
Left Bombay for Mahad Conference: Babasaheb Started with his 200 volunteers by a ship called Amba to Bombay. Amba ship left Bombay on 24 December 1927. At 9.00 A.M.. The ship visited Alibag (India), Revandada and Hubsan. Then it reached to Hareshwar port. As the ship arrived in Hareshwar port people welcomed him very excitedly and he was honored by Kolmandala (India). On 25 December Babasaheb gave a heart taking speech. He said that "I want your Hearts." "There is no meaning of these flowers and foods".
Met to Magistrate: He left at 8.00 A.M. and Visited Mahajul and Varty ports and arrived at 12.30 p.m. in Dasgaon (India). When he get down the ship 3000 people was ready to welcome him. There he got the letter of district magistrate that "meet me immediately at Mahad." According to that Babasaheb with his assistant Sahastrabuddhe went to meet Magistrate. The magistrate softly advised Babasaheb to postponed their movement. Then Babasaheb replied that I will talk to my people and then I'll tell you.
Reached to Mahad: The procession of the delegates had left Dasgaon and accompanied by police officers, it reached Mahad at half past two in the afternoon, singing songs which were punctuated by sky-rending slogans. The vast crowd entered the pandal amidst shouts of 'Shivaji Maharaj ki Jai.' In the pandal proverbs hanging from pillars displayed inspiring immortal truths. Ambedkar hastened to the pandal and had his lunch in the company of his common followers. He refused to have any special food.
Addressed Conference: The Conference commenced its proceedings at 4:30 in evening. Then the leader rose to address the Conference amidst deafening cheers, shouts and slogans raised by a mammoth gathering of fifteen thousand people. Ambedkar said, "At the outset let me tell those who opposes that we did not perish because we could not drink water from this Chavdar Tank. We now want to go to the Tank only to prove that, like others, we are also human beings." He added, "This Conference has been called to inaugurate an era of equality in this land." He then drew a parallel incident from the history of France when the French representatives had met at Versailles and issued a manifesto of human rights, preaching revolt against social, religious and political privileges and declaring that all men were born equal and died as equals. Ambedkar avowed that it was the ultimate aim of politics of maintain and protest those human rights and added, "Removal of Untouchability and inter-caste dinners alone will not out an end to our ills. All departments of services such as courts, military, police and commerce, should be thrown open to us." Concluding his speech, he said : "Hindu society should be reorganised on two main principles - equality and absence of casteism."
Manusmriti was ceremoniously burnt: The resolution was moved by Shivtarkar and was seconded by Bhaurao Gaikwad, N. T. Jadhav and Mrs. Gangubai Savant. The conference declared that the Manusmirti which directed molten lead to be poured into the ears of such Shudras as would hear or read the Vedas, and which decried the Shudras, stunted their growth, impaired their self-respect, and perpetuated their social, economic, religious and political slavery, be publicly burnt. On this resolution fiery speeches were made by Sahasrabuddhe, Rajbhoj and Thorat. At nine o'clock that night the Manusmriti as placed on a pyre, in a specially dug pit, in front of the pandal, and was ceremoniously burnt at the hands of Sahastrabuddhe, the Brahmin friend of Dr. Ambedkar. This explosive deed rocked all the charlatans, pundits, Acharyas and Shankaracharyas in India.
Demanded a New Social Order: December 25, 1927, is, therefore, a red letter day in the annals of India as it was on this day that Ambedkar burnt the old Manusmriti and demanded a new one in order to reshape the Hindu Code governing the life of so vast a people. On the morning of December 27, Ambedkar rose to withdraw the first resolution on the struggle and to move another resolution amidst breathless silence, asking the Conference to postpone the struggle. He was on the horns of a dilemma. It was now the psychological moment to curb the enthusiasm of the delegates and pin it down. He tactfully began to deal with the critical situation. The conference agreed. The delegates immediately formed themselves into a procession and started. The Bombay volunteers with slogans, boards and placards were placing slowly. The procession reached the Tank and took its round. And what were the caste Hindus doing? The streets were deserted. They had shut their houses and the orthodox Hindus were wriggling with excruciating venom in their hearts. After an hour and a half, the procession returned to the pandal about noon without any mishap.
Addressed Meeting of Chamar: In the evening Ambedkar addressed a meeting at the Chamar quarters in Mahad and asked the Chamars whether they wanted to live with self-respect or to live like pet animals in gilt cages. At 10 p.m. the Conference wound up its proceedings by expressing its gratitude to the reception Committee and thanking delegates and its sympathisers. Immediately after conclusion of the Conference, Ambedkar addressed a meeting of about three thousand women of the Depressed Classes, the first meeting of his kind in modern India.
Conference of Congress: At the same time congress called a Conference in February. All persons like Hindu, Muslims, Parsee, and Brahmins was invited for it. But no one invite to any Untouchables. The conference planned about constitution in presence of President Pandit Motilal Nehru. On this event in "Bahishkrit Bharat" Babasaheb took his opinion that "In this, there is no facility provided for the lower cast. Instead that for Muslims they put more facilities which will need a separate state for on demand Muslims. For that the conference put facilities for them. On Nehru report his opinion aggressively that "Muslim Society demand and anger's which we know that in which loss of nation in is that ours also. That is why we took that risk". No one put attention towards 's thoughts But they proved when Sindh state was removed from Mumbai State which was successfully done by League.
Mumbai Assembly: Simon Commission took effect in colleges also. When Babasaheb entered in class students left the class. Babasaheb says that doing these things problems of nation will not be solved. Babasaheb sent two notification from Bahishkrit Hitkarni to Commission out of that one was described in Mumbai State Babasaheb suggested points about Untouchables English Education under British Government. In Second one Babasaheb demanded 22 seats against 140 seats of Mumbai Assembly for the untouchables and president ship, job or services in Army, Navy, Police and Education to them from states income.
Proposal for building a temple in the name of Mahar Saint, Chokhamela: Early in January 1928, a meeting was convened by the Depressed Classes at Trymbak, near Nasik, which is a place of pilgrimage of the Hindus, to consider a proposal for building a temple in the name of their great saint, Chokhamela. Ambedkar was specially invited to preside over the meeting. The meeting after a full discussion, decided that the real memorial of the saint consisted in devoting themselves with unflagging energy rather to the removal of the blot of untouchability than to the erection of temple the fact was that firstly Ambedkar was in the innermost recesses of his heart against the idea of separate temples; secondly the building expenses would have been a financial burden and thirdly Ambedkar was more of utilitarian than an idol worshipper.
Saints of Maharashtra: It was Ambedkar's view that the saint-poets of Maharashtra (1300-1600) belong to Bhagwat Dharma did not preach directly against the caste system which stood for the domination of one caste over other of social inequality and social injustice. The efforts of these saint-poets were direct to establishing equality, not between a Brahmin as an individual and a Shudra and as an individual, but between a Brahmin and a Shudra devotee of God. In this struggle the saint success and the Brahmins had to accept superiority of the devotee irrespective of caste.
The struggle of the Saints: "Yet from the view point of the annihilation of caste," Ambedkar stated, "the struggle of the saints did not have any effect on society. The value of man is axiomatic, self-evident; it does not come to him as the result of the gilding of Bhakti. The saints did not struggle to establish this point. On the contrary, their struggle had a very unhealthy effect on the Depressed Classes. It provided the Brahmins with an excuse to silence them by telling that they would be respected if they also attained the status of Chokhamela." As the followers of different cults of Bhakti were themselves filled with caste prejudices, Ambedkar proceeded. They not only turned a blind eye to their message of equality, justice and humanitarianism, but also described their incredible miracles with utmost exaggeration.
Cult of Ramdas: As regards the cult of Ramdas, he said that his followers were notorious for their caste prejudice since its inception, and their founder himself was observed with the ideas of Brahmin superiority. According to Ramdas, even a fallen Brahmin was superior to men of other castes in heaven and on earth; a Brahmin was one to whom even the gods made an obeisance.
Simon Commission: The British Government decided to develop a laws of political evaluation and inspection. For that one committee named "Simon Commission" was sent to India from England. Mr. John Simon who was a member of British Parliament was the president of the same. There was a six member in the commission excluding indian. For that congress decided to play an opposing role against the Simon commission. The commission reached to India on 3rd February, 1928. The Indian public welcomed the commission by showing the black flags and "Quit Simon" Banners. In this freedom fight Mr. Lala Lajpatrai was insured by the police and died after few days. Babasaheb was having lots of respect for him he felt very sorry.
Introduce Bill about Mahar Watans: The most important Bill in which he showed in undivided interest was introduced by Ambedkar himself. It was the Bill to amend the Bombay Hereditary Office Act 1874. He introduces it on March 19, 1928. According to this Hereditary Office Act, the Mahars, the holders of posts were required to slave whole day and night; and in the absence of the Mahar servant, his father or any other member of his family was impressed in to the government service. And for this hard arduous ceaseless work they got each a piece of land called Watan, some corn from the villages and a paltry pittance varying from annas two to a rupee and a half per menses. The result was that the Amahs had grown lethargic. They had lost the stimulus in life; they had lost their self -respect and their ambition and ability were perpetually tied down to this trifling menial jobs.
Dapoli Confernce: On 19th May, 1928, a Conference of the Untouchables called at Dapoli, 1500 Untouchables attend the Conference from June 1928 Babasaheb was appointed as a rely professor. Babasaheb was selected as Member in "Mumbai Prantik Commitee" in August 1928.
Started Samata: Bahishkrit Bharat needed finance Babasaheb asked public for donation but no one came to help him. He started a fortnight magazine called Samata from 29th June 1928. Bahishkrit Bharat second years first copy was published on 6th November 1928. First Friday Samata and second Friday Bahiskrit Bharat Babasaheb was publishing. But on 15th November 1929 the last copy of Bahiskrit Bharat was published and Stopped Publishing. In 14th June 1928's conference of Bahishkrit Hitkarni They dissolve the same organization. Instead of that they decided to start "Bhartiya Bahiskrit Samaj Shikshan Prasarak Mandal. With this Society they decided to start Boarding for Untouchable students For that they demand help from Government. Babasaheb was member of this society, He was president of "Bhartiya Bahishkrit Samaj Seva Samiti". and for shoemakers Society, Shivatarkar was Secretary To Protect in justice on Untouchables this society was working. This society worked up to 4 to 5 years.
Professor at the Government Law College: Ambedkar accept an appointment as an acting professor at the Government Law College, Bombay from June 1928. Amidst the struggle for the liberation of his people. On the Bombay Provincial Committee selected Ambedkar along with other members of Bombay Legislative Council on August 3, 1928. As Ambedkar was co-operating with the Simon Commission, he was dubbed a British Stooge, a Judas, a ghoul and traitor. One day when he entered the morning class in the college, the Law students boycotted his classes; and one ardent student-patriot denounced him for his association with the Simon Commission. Needless to say the incident flash next day across the pages of all newspapers.
Self Confidence: Eighteen Depressed Classes Association gave evidence before the Commission and placed their Memoranda before it. Sixteen of them pleaded for separate electorates for the Depressed Class on behalf of the Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha, Ambedkar submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission demanding joint electorates with reservation of sets for Depressed Classes. During these days Ambedkar could find very little time for his legal practice. Whenever he accept a brief he diligently toiled for the success of his client, though at times he seemed to be in a hurry to wind up his arguments in the courts and to leave early for some urgent political decision or social work. But he never left down his clients. An example will bear out the truth of his remark. He had argued in a murder case at Thana Session Court as Defence Council on the every day when he was gave evidence before the Simon Commission at Poona. The case was very important as his client were to be saved from the gallows. At the same time he could not forego opportunity of giving evidence before the Simon Commission on behalf of his people. So he pleaded to the District judge to allow him a special favour to argue his case first though legally he would be called upon to reply to the arguments of the prosecution after the address of the Crown council. The judge agreed and arguing his case ably Ambedkar left for Poona, and his interview with the Simon Commission took place. And so much confidence was Ambedkar of his success that most of the accused was acquitted in that case.
Textile Worker's First Strike in Bombay: The first textile workers strike in Bombay in which brought the working of mills to a standstill for over six months involving 1,50,000 workers. The mill owners had introduced a new system in the mills whereby one worker was required to work on three looms. So they resorted to retrenchment. The mill hands resented this innovation and the new system. The Girni Kamgar Mahamandal, one of the chief labour union of Bombay, fanned the resentment and the strike began. During the strike workers belonging to the Depressed Classes were the worst suffers; and they, the poorest of the poor desired to be relieved of the gnawing trouble. Ambedkar for his own part did not favour the strike. The fact that during the last eighty years of existence of the textile mills the Depressed Classes were not allowed to work in any profitable departments like weaving was troubling his mind. No labour Organisation had so far cared to remove this blot and serious hindrance to the welfare of the untouchables in the textile industry. Besides, in Ambedkar's view communism and strike were inseparable twins. He knew that the labour movement was developing a new outlook and shedding its old garb. His view therefore was that the labour movement did not aim, to much at the economic welfare of the labourers as at political revolution. The weapon of strike was utilized for political ends. This, in fact, worsened the economic condition of the Depressed Classes. So Ambedkar was thinking of an independent line of action.
Mill Manager requested to bring his men to work: The way for the Depressed Class workers was to join work. Mr. Fredrik Stones, the manager of the group of E. D. Sassoon Mills, encouraged Ambedkar to ask his men to call off the strike and resumed the work. The latter took a courageous stand with the help of Bole, who was one of the pioneer leaders in the labour movement of Bombay, and moved through the dangerous zones of the strike area. Ambedkar was living in the underworld of Bombay for a decade, and so he knew the powers and weaknesses of the labourers. Protected by a chosen party of daredevils, he strove to bring his men back to work and in the end succeeded to a great extent.
Established the Depressed Classes Education Society: Although circumstances demanded the major portion of Ambedkar's efforts, energy and talents in the struggle for securing the constitutional and legislative rights for his people, he was always conscious of the backwardness of his people in education, which was the strongest need and the greatest weapon to forge their progress. So he tried every possible means to disseminate education among his people. He started two hostels in the beginning of June 1928, and closing down the Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha on June 14, 1928, he established the Depressed Classes Education Society to organise the school education of his community on a sound basis. He appealed to the Bombay Government to help the Depressed Classes Education Society in its work of providing hostels for the benefit of students of the Depressed Classes, who were unable to bear the burden of High school education.
Proposed five new Hostels: Ambedkar's Education Society was a recognised institution under the Charitable Society's Registration Act XXI of 1861. It was governed by a Board of Trustees which had for its Members Meyer Nissim, Shankar Sayenna Parsha, Dr. Purushottam Solanki and Ambedkar, and was assisted by an Advisory Board consisting of nineteen Members. Ambedkar himself was the General Secretary, and Shivtarkar, the Secretary and Treasurer. Government entrusted this society with the management of the proposed five new hostels involving a grant of Rs. 9,000 per annum. The govt. grant-in-aid was, however, insufficient to meet the expenses. So Ambedkar had to collect donations from different quarters. He approached generous-minded public, enlightened local bodies, charitable institutions and magnanimous personalities for help. President some District Local Boards and Municipalities showed active sympathy for this deserving cause by reducing fees for the Depressed Classes students, granting free land for building, hostels and in such other ways. The society provided students with boarding and lodging and with funds enough to meet the student's other requirements in the schools.
Presided over a vast meeting at Valpakhadi: The Society found it very difficult to house it boarders. No caste Hindu landlord would easily let his house for the purpose, and in case he did so it was at a very high rent and that too as a favour. Ambedkar knew well that the more the education, the more the chances for progress and the easier the opportunities for his people. In the first week of February, Ambedkar presided over a vast meeting at Valpakhadi, Bombay, which was attended by Maharashtrian and Gujarati Depressed Classes
Ratnagiri District Conference at Chiplun: As professor of Law, the impression he made on his students was lasting and enthralling. Deep, devoted and endowed with a vast knowledge on the subject, he taught his classes constitutional law in a thought-provoking manner. His term of office, however, terminated at the end of March 1929. In April 1929 he was invited to preside over the Ratnagiri District Conference at Chiplun. At the conclusion of the conference, sacred threads were distributed among the delegates. Deorao Naik, a Brahmin colleague of Ambedkar, acted as an Acharya and invested about 6,000 delegates with the sacred threads amid the singing of Vedic hymns. The next day Ambedkar presided over an Agricultural Conference at the same place.
Strike of Girni Kamgar Union: On his return from Chiplun to Bombay, Ambedkar again set on foot his movement against the textile strike sponsored by the Girni Kamgar Union in obedience to whose call the textile workers of Bombay had resolved to go on strike. Undeterred by the great fresco in its first attempt, the left wing of the communists compelled the mill workers in Bombay to resort to strike a second time for April 26, 1929. The cause of this discontent lay in the replacement of a number of workers in the mills as a result of the previous strike. Ambedkar, who believed in the worker's right to strike, said that the weapon of strike should be used sparingly and to the advantage of the workers, and not for political objectives of the communist leaders.
Textile Labour Union Meeting at Damodar Hall: Ambedkar, with two other labour leaders, R. R. Bakhale and Shyamrao Parulekar, carried a very extensive propaganda to counteract the propaganda of the Girni Kamgar Union. The textile Labour Union called a meeting of workers on April 29, 1929, at the Damodar Hall, Bombay. Ambedkar presided over the meeting, which concluded after passing a resolution against launching the strike. While this conflict was going on, Ambedkar addressed a big Conference at Chitegaon. Yet another important Conference was awaiting Ambedkar's guidance at Jalgaon. It was convened by the Depressed Classes of Central Provinces and Berar on May 29, 1929. The next day Ambedkar returned to Bombay, as the strike situation demanded his presence in Bombay.
Gave support to Simon Commission: Babasaheb gave his support to Simon Commission, whom the other party leaders were opposing. But Babasaheb didn't care about it. He continued his work for the nation. When Simon report was ready Babasaheb not only signed it but he attached the 60 pages printed note on 17th May, 1929, B.V. Pradhan helped Babasaheb to prepare the note. For that Pradhan says "Babasaheb worked above three months without carrying meals and water. He worked above 15-16 hours daily. Some times without taking a minute rest he used to work whole night." For minute of decent when critics studied they felt very happy. The thoughts and ways of that note was proving development of nation. Even Harman the very sticky critic also was very happy when he analyze the note. Kesari the leading newspaper also described that "whichever thoughts Babasaheb put in the note are like as a national leader". Within one night Babasaheb became a politician and great nation lover. Media described him as a diamond.
Invitation of Shridharpant: In 1929 the secretary of committee informed that the last years decision was canceled. Then Babasaheb, Bole and Prabodhankar Thakray went there then again compromise and Settlement was done and at 3.00 pm The untouchables got admission in tent. That was the time to convince society Untouchables as Hindu. Ambedkar then attended, on an invitation from Shridharpant Tilak, a tea-party at Tilak's Gaikwad Wada. It was unfortunate that such a promising youth should have put an end to his life, a few months later, in a tragic way. A few hours before the tragedy Shridharpant had written a letter to his friend Ambedkar.
Invitation to Vithoba Temple Ratnagiri: In the month on September, Ambedkar went to Ratnagiri in connection with a murder trial at the Session Court. Savarkar seized this opportunity and extended to Ambedkar an invitation signed by hundreds of citizens to address a meeting at the Vithoba temple, a very important centre where battles for social reforms had been fought and won by Savarkarites. Just then Ambedkar received a wire from Bombay demanding his presence and Ratnagiri lost an opportunity of vitriolic and valuable speeches on one platform.
Ganpati Festival: This year again Ambedkar fought for the right of worshipping the image of Ganapati at a public place, in Bombay. The president of the Dadar Sarvajanik Ganesh Festival informed the Social Equality League that the committee had now revoked their last year's decision; and so no untouchable Hindu would be allowed in or near the room where the image was to be installed. The atmosphere became tense on the morning of the image installation day. The organisers of the festival had taken the utmost precaution, called the police, and posted hooligans in the pandal. About 1,000 untouchable Hindus collected outside the pandal demanding admission. Ambedkar, Bole and other local leaders appeared on the scene. With difficulty Ambedkar prevailed upon the huge crowd to keep calm and opened negotiations with the orthodox leader, Dr. Javle. The leader of the untouchables pleaded for ordinary human rights. The talks seemed to prove unavailing and the situation grew threatening. At last when the orthodox leaders saw that every minute the crowd was pressing in, they revised their decision at three in the afternoon, and the untouchables marched in with triumph and rejoicing.
Visited Belgaum, Khandesh and Nasik: As a Member of Starte Committee, Ambedkar visited Belgaum, Khandesh and Nasik Districts. Although a Member of the Committee, Ambedkar himself experienced insulting treatment during his tours. The headmaster of a Primary Local Board School did not allowed to enter the class-rooms. On a complaint from a guardian, Ambedkar had paid this visit to that school to see why that boy was not allowed to sit in the class and why he was made to sit in the verandah. The second incident happened when the Members of the Committee were touring East Khandesh. At Chalisgaon, his people gave Ambedkar a reception and wanted to take him to their locality. But all the tanga-drivers refused to carry the untouchable leader. As a compromise, a tanga-driver allowed an untouchable to drive the tanga. But he being unaccustomed to the work of a driver, the horse bolted, and Ambedkar was thrown on the stone pavement severely injured.

Kalaram Temple Entry Movement

Launched Kalaram Temple Entry Movement at Nasik: In year 1930, Ambedkar the father of social unrest launched his temple entry movement at Nasik. Preparations for this movement had been going on for over three months. Ambedkar was guiding, inspiring and organising it from Bombay through his letters and lieutenants. The Depressed Classes at Nasik had formed a Satyagriha Committee and through its Secretary, Bhaurao Gaikwad, informed the Trustees of the famous Kalaram Temple that they would launched satyagriha. The Satyagriha Committee, about 15,000 volunteers and representatives assembled in a specially erected pandal in the Depressed Classes locality at Nasik.

Kalaram Temple Entry Movement begin: It was Sunday, March 2, 1930. In the morning at ten, a Conference was held under the presidentship of Ambedkar. At noon the Conference adjourned and again met at half past one. At three in the afternoon, the congregation divided itself into batches of four extending itself over a mile-long procession head played a band after the military style redolent of the association of many of the Depressed Class members with military life. Then followed a batch of scouts. Behind them walked about 500 women satyagrahis showing a revolutionary change in their outlook. All the gate of the temple were closed, the precisionists proceeded to the Godawari Ghat. There the procession transformed itself into a meeting.
Orthodox people pelted the meeting with stones and shoes: At eleven o'clock that night the leaders again discussed the issue in all its aspects and decided to launch a non-violent struggle before the gates of the temple. This historic struggle thus commenced on the morning of March 3, 1930. The first batch of 125 men and 25 women was posted at the four gates of the temple, and over 8,000 enlisted satyagrahis were awaiting their turn. But the gates of the temple were closed and barricaded. While the styagrahis squatted at the entrance, chanting hymns and singing bhajans, crowds of Untouchables numbering over 3,000 gathered in their vicinity; but the police were on the alert and kept them on the move. At night, a public meeting of the citizens of Nasik was held under the presidentship of Dr. Kurtakoti, the Shankaracharya, but it ended in pandemonium due to the predominance of the orthodox people. The sanatanists, by now had got panicky and rowdy. They pelted the meeting with stones and shoes. It was felt that even Rama himself would be throw open the temple to the Untouchables.
Chariot procession of the image of Rama: The satyagraha struggle continued for about a month. April 9 dawned. It was the day of the chariot procession of the image of Rama. A compromise was patched up between the caste Hindus and the untouchables. It was decided that strong men from both sides should draw the chariot. Thousands of people assembled at noon near the main gate of the temple to see the sight. Ambedkar, with his choice gymnasts, stood near the gate. But before they could touch the chariot, they were engaged in broils by the riotous element of the caste Hindus, and the caste Hindus ran away with the chariot, as secretly planned, through a street, narrow, thorny and inconvenient on either side, and mouth of which was guarded by armed police. A daring Bhandari youth by name Kadrekar broke the cordon of the armed police who were awaiting orders to fire, and in a moment crowds of Untouchables pursued the chariot amidst showers of stones and captured it. Dangerously wounded, Kadrekar fell down in a pool of blood. Ambedkar was protected by his men, and as the umbrellas that protected his person were shattered, he, too, received minor injuries. There was free fighting between groups of Untouchables and caste Hindus all over the city.
First session of the Depressed Classes Congress: The first session of the Depressed Classes Congress was held at Nagpur on August 8, 1930, under the presidentship of Dr. Ambedkar. In the course of his presidential address Ambedkar declared that it was possible for the people of India to become one united self-governing community. Shortly after Nagpur Congress, Ambedkar fell ill, and in his unconscious state he spoke about the fate of his people. The fever abated and he soon recovered.
Invitation to the Round Table Conference through the Viceroy: Ambedkar received the invitation to the RTC (Round Table Conference) through the Viceroy on September 6, 1930. On the eve of Ambedkar's departure for England, he was given a grand send-off by the Untouchables in Bombay, who presented him with a purse and an address on October 2, 1930. He gratefully thanked Shankarrao Parsha, who had expended large sums on his movement, and declared that a fortnightly paper named The Janata, the people, would soon be published in place of his old fortnightly, the Bahishkrit Bharat - the Excluded India. Ambedkar left Bombay for London on October 4, 1930, by the s.s. Viceroy of India. Congressmen hated, abused and cursed those leaders who co-operated with the British Government in solving the Indian problem in their own honest way. On board ship one thing made Ambedkar's voyage very unhappy. He had left the keys of the trunks to get another suit. The sea was not rough. On his arrival in London, on October 18, 1930, he temporarily lodged at 8, Chesterfield Gardens, Mayfair, London and thereafter asked his men to write to him care of Thomas Cook and Son, Berkeley Street, London. On October 28, he received the keys and other thing from home.
Started Janata: Ambedkar's lieutenants, Deorao Naik and Kadrekar, started a new fortnightly paper called the Janata - the people. There is a strange evolution of Ambedkar's role in the social as well as political sphere of India. His first paper was named the Mook Nayak - the leader of dumb, the second was called the Bahishkrit Bharat - the excluded India. The third was Equality and the fourth was the Janata - the people. Ambedkar left for India, embarking at Marseilles on February 13, 1931. Ambedkar arrived on February 27, 1931. He was enthusiastically received at Ballard Pier by a battalion of Ambedkar Seva Dal led by Shankarrao Wadvalkar.
Arrived at Nasik with his Bombay Colleagues: On his arrival, for three or four days, Ambedkar gave interviews, had cordial talks with his friends and colleagues, and a day or two thereafter addressed a vast meeting of his people at Parel, Bombay. Next day Ambedkar took his seat in the Bombay Legislative Council and attend the session till the middle of March 1931. Ambedkar, along with his Bombay colleagues, went to Nasik by the Nagpur Mail on March 14. They took up their Lodgings at the bungalow of a Muslim gentleman named Zakeria Maniar. Ambedkar made a stirring speech at a meeting in Nasik, arousing his people's feelings to a pitch of enthusiasm and ended by laying stress on the value of discipline and non-violent struggle. Dinkarrao Javalkar, who was released from jail a day or two before cheered the Untouchables with hope and courage. Immediately Ambedkar left Nasik for Bombay, for he to attend the hearing of the Chirner Firing Case on Monday, March 16, 1931 at Thana.
Chirner Firing Case: Returning to Bombay from Nasik, Ambedkar attended the Sessions Court at Thana. There he was to defend four accused out of forty-seven patriots involved in the famous Chirner Firing Case. The case had arisen out of the Congress Jungle satyagraha, which was launched at Chirner, a small village near Panvel, On September 25, 1930, and the consequential firing in which the Mamlatdar and some other persons were killed. Being a case of Government against the people, it had very repercussions; and its proceedings were watched with intense and close interest by the people all over India. The end of the most complicated and long-drawn trial came, and the Judge delivered his judgement on July 2, 1931, convicting twenty-nine accused with different terms of sentences and acquitting the remaining seventeen.
Leader's Conference in Bombay: Ambedkar had convened a Leader's Conference in Bombay, which met in the Gokhale Education Society's Hall at Parel, on April 19, 1931. All prominent Depressed Class leaders from Bengal, C. P., Madras and Maharashtra attended and N. Shivraj presided. Ambedkar submitted a report of the work, which he had done at the Round Table Conference. There was some tumult and uproar outside the hall in the street. In attempt to cause disturbance in the proceedings was made by the some disgruntled men, who styled themselves as nationalists. But their attempt was foiled by the disciplined volunteers of Dr. Ambedkar Seva Dal. The rout was so complete that the leader of the troublemakers, Deorukhkar, had at last to run into Ambedkar's car entreating Babasaheb to save his life. The volunteers who pursued him in heat smashed the hood of their leader's car. Ambedkar, however, sheltered his malevolent opponent.
Selected on the Federal Structure Committee: Ambedkar paid visit to Ahmedabad to look into the arrangements of the new Boarding which he had started for untouchable students. At the station the Congressmen of Ahmedabad greeted him with black flags. Just at this time the names of the delegates to the second session of the Round Table Conference were announced in the third week of July. Ambedkar invited to attend the conference in London. Ambedkar was purposely dropped out from the Federal Structure Committee at the first session of the Round Table Conference. His patriotic mind and his fearless advocacy for the common man and democracy had given the Britishers an offence. But this time he was selected on the Federal Structure Committee, which was vitally connected with the drafting of the new constitution for India. Congratulations were showered from all quarters of India and even from England on Ambedkar.
Meet to Gandhi at Manibhuvan: Gandhi wrote to Ambedkar on August 6, 1931, informing him that he would come to see the latter at eight o'clock that night if Ambedkar could spare the time. Gandhi added that he would gladly come over to Ambedkar's residence, if it was inconvenient to Ambedkar to come to him. Ambedkar had just arrived from Sangali, and was running a temperature. He wrote in reply that he would himself go to Gandhi at eight o'clock that night. But in the evening the temperature soared to 106; so Ambedkar sent a message that he would come after the fever abated. Ambedkar went to meet Gandhi on August 14, at Manibhuvan, at two in the afternoon. The next day was Saturday, August 15, 1931. Almost all the Round Table Conference delegates were to sail for London by the s.s. Mooltan. The Ballard Pier at Bombay presented a picturesque appearance on the day. From princes to paupers all sorts of people were present at the Pier. Friends, admirers, followers and devotees assembled to wish bon voyage to their princes and heroes. One leader who received a great ovation as soon as he got down from the car was Dr. Ambedkar. Over two thousand volunteers had collected on the roadside and greeted him as a he arrived at the Mole Station with shouts of "Ambedkar ki Jai" and "Long live Ambedkar".
Discussed with Gandhi in the Federal Structure Committee: On reaching London on August 29, Ambedkar was down with influenza and suffered terribly from vomiting and diarrhea. From Monday, September 7, he began to feel better but weakness still lingered. On September 18, Ambedkar rose and asked Gandhi in the Federal Structure Committee. The third week of September 1931 was over. Minorities Committee was commence it works on September 28. On the eve of the season, Gandhi's son Deodas Gandhi, saw Ambedkar it is residence and an interview was fixed between Gandhi and Ambedkar at the residence of Sarojini Naidu between 9 to 12 p.m. Accordingly. Ambedkar saw Gandhi and placed his cards on the table, but Gandhi did not open his mind and said that he could consent to Ambedkar's demands of other agreed. After the clash with Gandhi Ambedkar took part in the discussion on the Fiscal System which was adumbrated by the sub-Committee for the Federal Government. He made a very thought-provoking and illuminating speech on the composition of the Federal Court in which Jinah, Jayakar, Lord Sankey, Lord Lothian, too, took much interest, and he was asked to clarify some of his point. In spite of this heavy work, Ambedkar was very busy giving private interviews and explanation issuing statements and counter-statements and making speech at different institution in London in support of his stand at the Round Table Conference. His speech at the institution of international affairs provided very effective demolishing Gandhi's platform. Those who were puzzled by Gandhi's extreme opposition to the demands of the Depressed Classes ran to Ambedkar to seek clarification of his stand.
Defeat of the Labour Government in Britain: Miss Muriel Lester, with whom Gandhi was staying, saw Ambedkar who explained his standpoint to her. A common friend and Gandhi invited both the leaders to tea and tried to reconcile them. Ambedkar admitted that Gandhi had done work for the uplift of the untouchable in his humanitarian way and was striving to abolish untouchability; but they differed fundamentally on the question. By the end of October 1931, election was held in Britain and the Tories come in to power. As regards the defeat of the Labour Government, Ambedkar said that their programme was too scientific to be understood by the labourer and average Britishers. In one of his letter Ambedkar said that the Depressed Class leaders who supported Gandhi did not understand that Gandhi oppose not only special electorate but also the social representation for the Depressed Classes; otherwise the problem would have been solved long before.
Narrated harrowing tales of Untouchables to King - Emperor: The King-Emperor asked Ambedkar about the condition of the untouchables in India, and when he heard the harrowing tales from Ambedkar who narrated them with his flowing heart, eloquent eyes and scintillating face, he shuddered. The King-Emperor then inquired of Ambedkar cordially about his father and the place of his and the place of his education, and how he had achieved academic eminence. The leader of the caste Hindus were fighting for their political independence, but it was the mighty task of Ambedkar to bring the untouchable to the level of human being. There was no representative like Ambedkar , who would have cared to bring the untouchables in the political picture of India.
Sent thirty-two boxes containing books with Srinivasan: While Ambedkar was in London, he was made a J. P. by the Bombay Government and on this event even Congress-minded men like N. S. Kajrolkar congratulated him. Ambedkar informed Shivtarkar that he would leave London for America on December 5, and return to India in a month. He added that he was sending with Srinivasan thirty-two boxes containing books. Accordingly, he left for New York to meet his old professors and, it was said, for a little rest.
Brought twenty-four boxes of new books: Ambedkar returned to London on Sunday, January 4, 1932. He left London, and embarking at Marseilles, on January 15, reached Bombay on January 29. On board were the British Members of the Franchise Committee, appointed by British Premier, of which Ambedkar was also a Member. As usual Ambedkar's purchases were with him. They were twenty-four boxes of new books.
Addressed Muslim Crowd: Ambedkar and his fellow-passenger, Maulana Shaukat Ali, landed at the Mole station. The Muslim leader and the Depressed Class leader were received amidst a burst of cheering. Addressing the huge crowds of the Muslims and the Depressed Classes, the Muslim leader said that every man must have an undeviating faith in his cause, and he appreciated the courage shown by Ambedkar in fighting for his cause. Shaukat Ali and Ambedkar were then taken out in procession, which terminated at Byculla.
Left for Delhi to take part in the proceedings of the Franchise Committee: The same evening, at a mass meeting at Parel, Bombay, Ambedkar was presented with an address on behalf of one hundred and fourteen institutions. Ambedkar immediately left for Delhi to take part in the proceedings of the Franchise Committee headed by Lord Lothian. On his way to Delhi, he was enthusiastically received at every station by the Depressed Classes; especially the functions held at Nasik, Igatpuri, Deolali, Manmad, Bhusaval and Jhansi station were colourful and imposing.
Supported the scheme of separate electorates: In early days of February the Franchise Committee visited Bihar. The Depressed Classes greeted Ambedkar with great enthusiasm at every place. The committee then moved to Calcutta via Patna. Depressed Class leaders of his persuasion, while giving evidence before the Franchise Committee, supported the scheme of separate electorates as they feared that in the system of joint electorates with reserved seats the candidates of the Depressed Classes would be at the mercy of the majority of electorates, and in order to win their votes they would have to pander to their prejudices, or there would be every possibility of the seats being occupied by the stooges of the majority community.
Reception at Madras: The Franchise Committee met at the Vice Regal Lodge. Ambedkar, on behalf of the Depressed Classes, pleaded for the incorporation in the Indian Penal Code or in the future constitution, of a punishment for the instigation or promotion of boycott against the Depressed Classes which prevented them from the free enjoyment of the fundamental rights. The Franchise Committee accepted the suggestion. On February 28, 1932, Ambedkar was accorded a colourful reception at Madras by a huge gathering of 10,000 men belonging to the Depressed Classes. Muslims, Christians and non-Brahmins also participated in the reception. The chairman of the Depressed Class Army Service presided. Almost all Depressed Classes institutions in the Southern India such as the Depressed Class Army Services Institution, Madras Provincial Depressed Classes Federation, the Presidents of Adi-Dravida Malayalam Sabha, Adi-Andhra Mahasabha, Arundhateya Maha Sabha, Kerala Depressed Classes Association, and the lanour Union unanimously presented Ambedkar with an address.
Bhaurao Gaikwad and Rankhambe, were arrested: It was in the same month that the Nasik satyagraha entered it's third stage, and its leaders, Bhaurao Gaikwad and Rankhambe, were arrested. News about their arrest was wired to Ambedkar the same day, April 14. The Franchise Committee finished its business on May 1, 1932; but, as Lord Lothian desired to have some discussion with him on some vital points, Ambedkar stayed for a day or two more. Ambedkar differed from the Hindu Members of the Committee, he submitted to the Committee separates note. One of the most important decisions of the Committee was on the exact definition of the term Depressed Classed.
All-India Depressed Classes Congress at Kamathee near Nagpur and visited to Ahilyashram: Ambedkar returned from Simla to Bombay on May 4, 1932. Immediately, on May 6, he left Bombay by Calcutta Mail to attend the All-India Depressed Classes Congress at Kamathee near Nagpur. The Congress had been postpone to this date to suit Ambedkar's convenience. On his way he was greeted throughout that night by enthusiastic crowds of Untouchables at all the railway stations from Kasara to Nagpur. After the Kamptee Congress, Ambedkar visited Poona, Sholapur and Nipani, where he addressed meetings of the Depressed Classes. Of these visits to Poona was very important. He reached Poona in the evening of May 21, 1932. There he was taken out in procession. The motorcar in which Ambedkar was seated flew a big saffron flag, popularly called the geruva flag, with the symbol of ON inscribed on it. The huge procession went on raising anti-orthodox slogans and reached the open space at the Ahilyashram. There he was given an address of welcome under the presidentship of A. B. Latthe.
Conference of Hindu Leaders in Bombay to Save Gandhi's Life: Latthe revealed to the audience how in London British statesmen and high officials secretary inquired of him whether or not Ambedkar belonged to the Revolutionary Party of India. Ambedkar arrived in Bombay on August 17. Only three days before the British Premier had given his Award on the communal issue in India. Pandit Malaviya declared from Simla his intention to hold a conference of Hindu leaders in Bombay, on September 19, to resolve the deadlock and save the life of the Mahatma, and informed Ambedkar about it by wire. For to save the life of the Mahatma it was necessary to alter the British Premier's Award, and to amend it, it was necessary to get the approval of Ambedkar who had wrested these privileges for the Depressed Classes. Naturally all eyes turned to Ambedkar as a man of the moment. It was a cruel irony of fate that the leaders of the Press that had refused to recognise Ambedkar as the leader of the Depressed Classes were now compelled to recognise his leadership of and spokesmanship for the Depressed Classes. He now became the cynosure of the whole country.
Issued statement to Press: Ambedkar knew the significance and magnitude of the crisis arisen out of Gandhi's fast unto death. Gandhi had hurled a most dangerous and fatal weapon at him. On the eve of conference of the Hindu leaders, Ambedkar issued a statement to the Press. A furious campaign was launched against Ambedkar. He again called a monster, a traitor and a hireling. Ambedkar was calm and collected. He issued another statement, on the eve of the conference, recalling Gandhi's declaration at the Round Table Conference that the problem of the Depressed Classes was of comparatively little importance, an appendix to the book of India's constitution. "It would have been justifiable," he observed, "if Mr. Gandhi had resorted to this extreme step for obtaining independence for the country on which he was so insistent all through the Round Table Conference debates." "It is also a painful surprise," he went on, "that Gandhi should have singled out special representation for the Depressed Classes in the Communal Award as an excuse for his self-immolation. Separate electorates are granted not only to the Depressed Classes but to the Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans as well as to Mohammedan and Sikhs."

Poona Pact

19th September, 1932: The conference of the Hindu leaders was held at spacious Hall of the Indian Merchant's Chamber on September 19, 1932, under the president ship of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya. Ambedkar and Dr. Solanki were seated just near the President's chair. Rajah and Dr. Moonje came to the Hall arm-in-arm. Among those present were Manu Subhedar, Sir Chimanlal Hiralal Setalwad, Walchand Hirachand, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Kamala Nehru, Sapru, Choithram Gidwani, Thakkar, Dr. Deshmukh, Dr. Savarkar, Aney, K. Natrajan, P. Baloo and others. Seth Walchand Hirachand suggested to Malviya that he should call upon Ambedkar to speak first. In a calm and firm voice Ambedkar told the conference that it was very sad that Gandhi should have started his fast against the interests of the Depressed Classes. It was very proper, he said that every man should try to save the precious life of Gandhi, but in the absence of any alternative proposal from Gandhi there seemed to be no way out. He, therefore, asked them to secure Gandhi alternative proposal and said that he would be then in a position to proceed with the discussion. "But one thing is decided, to save Gandhi's life would not be a party to any proposals that would be against the interest of my people," he added. At this some leaders shuddered, and a few received a palpitating shock!
20th September, 1932: The Hindu leaders Conference then adjourned and met at noon the next day, September 20, in order to hear the Deputation that had waited upon Gandhi at Yeravda Jail. Sir Chunilal, the leader of the Deputation, told the Conference that Gandhi had no personal objection to the reservation of the seats for the depressed classes. Thereupon Ambedkar was requested to say something of the Point at issue. Telling the Conference that he was placed on the horns of a dilemma, he said: "It has fallen to my lot to be the villain of the piece. But I tell you, I shall not deter from my pious duty, and betray the just and legitimate interests of my people even if you hang me on the nearest lamppost in the street. You better appeal to Gandhi to postpone his fast about a week and then seek for the solution of the problem". This was again a great shock to the conference.
Returned at night to consult with his colleagues: The conference then adjourned till two in the afternoon next day, the 21st September. But immediately the leading members of the conference went to Birla House and there Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru evolved a scheme of primary and secondary elections for the reserved seats. According to it the Depressed Classes themselves were to select for every seat a panel of not less than three candidates and then out of those three chosen candidates one was to be selected by the joint electorate of the caste Hindus and the Depressed Classes. Thereupon Ambedkar said that he would consult his colleagues and come back within two hours with his proposal. One of the colleagues whose advice he sought in time of crisis and on all-important occasions was P. G. Kanekar, a man of sound judgement and great learning. After consultation with his colleagues, Ambedkar returned at night and told them that he would accept the proposal, but demanded a much larger number of seats than the British Prime Minister's Award had given them. The leaders accepted his suggestion; and Jayakar, Sapru, Birla, Rajgopalachari and Dr. Rajendra Prasad left for Poona by the midnight train on Tuesday.
21th September, 1932: On the early morning of Wednesday, September 21, they saw Gandhi in the office of Yeravda Jail at seven o'clock. Gandhi said he would consider the proposal and left them know. On September 21, Gandhi was removed at noon to the courtyard just near the entrance of Yeravda Jail and Sardar Patel and Gandhi's secretary Pyarelal were allowed to sit near his cot. At noon Sapru telephoned to Ambedkar from Poona asking him to come to Poona immediately. Ambedkar left by the midnight train. On the same day Rajah and Malaviya, too, left Bombay for Poona.
22th September, 1932: On Thursday morning, Gandhi had a talk with Dr. Rajendra Prasad and Rajgopalachari and said he did not like that election to some of the reserved seats should be both by primary and secondary election system and to some only by joint electorates. He said the primary and secondary election system should be applied to all seats alike. This was related to Dr. Ambedkar at the National Hotel. Again the atmosphere became heated. Some of the leaders suggested that in the meanwhile they should send a cable to the British Premier requesting him to cancel the separate electorates for the Depressed Classes. But Ambedkar stoutly and pointedly told them that he would be prepared to lose separate electorates which the British Premier had invested them with, provided he was given a concrete picture of the substitutes and added that he was not a man to run after a mirage. The atmosphere of dullness gave place to grim despair. At noon Jayakar, Sapru and Malaviya saw Gandhi in the Jail. They were followed by P. Baloo and Rajah, who promised Gandhi that they would secure in agreement that would satisfy him. Late in the evening, Ambedkar accompanied by Jayakar, Birla, Chunilal Mehta and Rajgopalachari, went to meet Gandhi in the jail. It was the gravest political crisis. When the party entered the prison court, Gandhi was lying on a white iron-cot with a jail mattress on it, under the thick shade of a low mango tree, and Sardar Patel and Sarojini Naidu sat near Gandhi. Near the cot were bottles of water, sodabicarb and salt.
Approached the cot: When Ambedkar approached the cot, there was an echoless silence and a breathless eagerness. Would the entangling silence move Ambedkar ? Jayakar had foretold that Ambedkar's intransigence would collapse when he saw Gandhi. Would the entrancing sadness in the atmosphere deepened by the twilight inveigle Ambedkar? Ambedkar was now in the presence of the enveloping personality of Gandhi who had cast his spell on powerful men and drowned them on the flood of his magnetic mysticism. Amidst the fierce whirlwind raging outside the jail the entangling silence prevailing inside, Ambedkar was calm and collected. A lesser man would have been buried alive in such a cyclone of happenings. Ambedkar loved his people more than his life and cared more for the happiness of his people than for his own. Essentially a man of good heart, he would have burst into tears at the moving sight. But the age-long sufferings, humiliations and hardships under which his people had groaned were keeping his eyes and heart under the pressure of his head. Besides, Ambedkar, as is typical of all great Maharashtrian leaders, kept his mind and nerve unaffected in the crisis. The history of Maharashtra is replete with such instances. Ambedkar had taken his political life in his hands and was facing the storm.
Discussed with Gandhi: This was another phase of the war that had started on August 14, 1931. The iconoclast and revolutionary was again facing the greatest man of action under the sun, the greatest mystic and magnetic personality of his age, the riddle of the twentieth century moulded into a marvelous alchemy by the qualities of a bania - a man of the world. When two such minds come into collision, they are bound to spurt out fire, and to raise hurricanes. This was happening in India outside Yeravda Jail. Gandhi was weak. He lay in his bed. The talk began. Sapru related to Gandhi the whole story. Malaviya put the Hindu point of view. Then in a soft, slow flow Ambedkar began. He said in low voice: "Mahatmaji, you have been very unfair to us. It is always my lot to appear to be unfair," replied Gandhi. "I can not help it." Then Ambedkar explained the whole situation and his viewpoints. The sober Biblical language had its visible effect upon Gandhi. He was convinced of the justice of Ambedkar's demands. At length Gandhi replied: "You have my fullest sympathy. I am with you, Doctor, in most of the things you say. But you say you are interested in my life." "Yes Mahatmaji, in the hope that if you would devote solely to the cause of my people, you would become our hero too," said Ambedkar in reply. "Well, then. If it is so, then you know what you have got to do to save it. Do it and save my life. I know you do not want to forego what your people have been granted by the Award. I accept your panel system, but you should remove one anomaly from it. You should apply the panel system to all the seats. You are untouchable by birth and I am by adoption. We must be one and indivisible. I am prepared to give my life to avert the disruption of the Hindu community."
23th September, 1932: Ambedkar accepted Gandhi's suggestion. The interview ended and the leaders started to settle other details regarding the number of man in the panel, number of the total seat provincial assemblies, duration of the primary system, duration of the receive seats and distribution of posts. Friday, 23rd September dawned. For hours hot discussion raged over the number of candidates required to make the panel. Then there was the question of seats. Ambedkar demanded 197 seats in the provisional assemblies and the leaders reduced number of 126. Negotiation dragged on. Hours rushed by. After 10 hours of discussion some points were referred to Gandhi and he upheld Ambedkar's point.
Discussion on Reserve Seats: But still the negotiation seemed to break down on the question of duration of primary election and referendum to decided the duration of reserve seat. Ambedkar said that the system of primary election should terminate at the end of the 10 years; but he insisted that the question of reserved seats should be settled by referendum of the Depressed Classes at the end of further 15 years. The leader's opinion was that the evil of reserve seats and separation would be perpetuated by making its removal dependent upon the will of Depressed Class. Ambedkar insistent the demand for a referendum at the end of 25 years created a furore among the caste Hindu circles. Ambedkar frankly told them that he refused to believe that untouchability would be no more in the next twenty years or so. And therefore, he said that faced with sword Damocles, the caste Hindus would be compelled to change their inhuman attitude to the untouchables.
Gandhi's son, Devdas Gandhi with tears in his eyes described the condition of his father: It was now four in the evening. News comes that Gandhi's health had taken serious turn, and he was fast losing strength. Gandhi's son, Devdas Gandhi with tears in his eyes described the condition of his father to Ambedkar and entreated him not to hold over agreement by pressing for referendum. At last it was decided to refer this matter to Gandhi. Ambedkar with selected leaders saw Gandhi in the jail at 9 o'clock that night. Gandhi approved of the idea of the referendum it should take place after five years. Gandhi's voice had now sunk to a whisper. The jail Doctors intervened and stopped further conversion. The leaves of the mango tree above refused to move. It was a breathless silence. The visitor had to return. Ambedkar was prepared to give up his point. His will power was on the strain. Letters threatening his life came in showers. Murderous looks were cast at him in the street, and some of the leaders insanely reviled him behind his back.
"Five years or my life", said Gandhi: Friday night grimly witnessed all things in suspense. On Saturday morning, discussions were resumed. The question of the total number of seats was decided by granting 148 seats to the Depressed Classes in the provincial assemblies and it was also decided that 10 percent seats of the Hindus from British India in the Central Assembly should be given to the Depressed Classes. And then discussion was held for hours on the question of referendum, which baffled the solution as before. As nobody would agree to Ambedkar's demand, he thought it proper to see Gandhi once again in the matter. So accompanied by Dr. Solanki and Rajgopalachari, he went to Gandhi. Gandhi told Ambedkar that his logic for irrefutable; but he said mere statutory guarantee would not root out the disease. He, therefore, entreated to Ambedkar to give a last chance to Hinduism to make voluntary expiation for its sinful past and added that there should be referendum, but not the end of any period longer than five years. "Five years or my life," said Gandhi with a tone of finality.
24th September, 1932, he signed on historical Poona Pact: Returning to the place of discussion, Ambedkar said that he was not prepared to yield on the points of the period of referendum, which should be, he averred, not less than 10 years. After an hour, so they decide to make the agreement without the condition of referendum attached to it ! Rajagopalachari explained to Gandhi in the jail at three in the afternoon. Gandhi said it was excellent and gave his consent. Rajagopalchari returned a post haste to 1, Ramkrishna Bhandarkar Road, Shivlal Motilal's Bungalow and amidst rejoicing announced that Gandhi had blessed the agreement. It took them no time to draft the agreement. Amidst an atmosphere of joviality freshness and chat, the agreement was signed at 5 in the evening on Saturday 24th September, and it went down history as Poona Pact.
Signaturies to Poona Pact
1) Madan Mohan Malaviya
2) Tej Bahadur Sapru
3) M. R. Jaykar
4) B. R. Ambedkar
5) ShriNivasan
6) M. C. Rajah
7) C. V. Mehta
8) C. Rajagopalachari
9) Rajendra Prasad
10) G. D. Birla
11) Rameshwar Das Birla
12) B. S. Kamat
13) G. K. Deodhar
14) A. V. Thakkar
15) R. R. Bakle
16) P. G. Solanki
17) P. Baloo
18) Govind Malaviya
19) Devdas Gandhi
20) Vishwas
21) P. N. Rajbhoj
22) Gavai G. A.
23) Shankarlal Bankar

Kasturba then handed Gandhi orange juice and broke his fast: The British Government announced on September 26, that it would recommend to Parliament the endorsement of the Poona Pact. In the evening of prayers were said in the prison yard. Kasturba then handed Gandhi orange juice, and he broke his fast about half-past five amidst a gathering some two hundred disciples and admirers, poet Tagore, Sarojini Naidu, Sardar Patel and Swarup Rani Nehru being conspicuous.
Kelappan launched Guruvayur Temple Entry Struggle: The struggle for the temple entry launched by Ambedkar at Nasik, in March 1930, and at Guruvayur by Kelappan in November 1931, had been neglected so far by Congressmen. Kelappan went on a fast from September 21, 1932, declaring that he would not stop it till the doors of the temple at Guruvayur were thrown open to the Untouchables. But he suspended his fast for three months, on receipt of a telegraphic assurance from Gandhi saying that he would go on a fast with Kelappan from January 1, 1933, if the doors of temple were not thrown open to the Untouchables.
Sent message to Kelappan: As Kelappan was a great asset to the Untouchables in Malabar, Ambedkar sent him a message that his life as more valuable than the entry of the Untouchables into that temple. He urged his people to devote their energies to gaining political power. Addressing a meeting at Worli, in Bombay, on September 28, 1932. Ambedkar reiterated the same views when he addressed a meeting at Bellasis Road, in Bombay, in the second week of October 1932.
Addressed Rishi Samaj: Ambedkar had a brief in a very important murder case at Sawantwadi. The trial was to take place at Sawantwadi on September 19, 1932, but owing to Gandhi's fast he could not go to Sawantwadi, and so the hearing of the case was postponed to October 19. On his way to Sawantwadi, Ambedkar saw Gandhi in Yeravda Jail. On his return from Sawantwadi to Bombay, he was presented with an address, on October 28, 1932, by the Rishi Samaj at the Sir Cowasjee Jahangir Hall. There he warned his people not to get themselves lost in the temple entry movement and inter-dining. He told them that the problem of bread and butter would not be solved by it.
Left for London to attend third Round Table Conference: On November 4, on the eve of his departure to London for the third session of the Round Table Conference. He was honoured this time by the Gujarati Meghwal community. Ambedkar left for England on November 7, 1932. On the reaching London, Ambedkar found that the joint meeting of the third session of the Round Table Conference commenced on the 17th November. This time the delegation was smaller and Congressmen were conspicuously absent. The sight of division among the delegates made Ambedkar very unhappy. He was sorry to observe that the Muslim delegates, even after securing almost all of their demands contained in their fourteen points memorandum, were still not co-operating with the other Indian groups in the demand for responsible Government at the centre. Ambedkar drew the inevitable conclusion that it was unsafe to count on their support with regard to the demands of the Depressed Classes. He then described how Ghuznavi received a telegram from the orthodox Hindus of Bengal seeking the Muslim support in opposing the movement for temple entry and entreating the Muslim delegates to voice their grievances.
Worked on the Commercial Safeguards Committee: In respect of the Depressed Classes it was decided that provision be made to enfranchise a larger portion of the Depressed Classes. Ambedkar worked on the Commercial Safeguards Committee. A memorandum signed by eight delegates, namely Ambedkar, Jayakar, Sir Cowasji Jehangir, Joshi, Kelkar, Sapru, Nanakchand and N. N. Sircar was submitted to the Conference, asking it to remove the discriminating legislation and appealing to the Premier that there should be some small clause incorporated in the constitution, abolishing prevails based on accident of birth, caste or religion. In the second week of December 1932, Ambedkar wrote in a letter home from the Imperial Hotel that nobody showed interest in the proceedings of the Round Table Conference. The British people, too, being anxious about the settlement of their debts to the U.S.A., were unmindful of the Conference.
Received Messages from whole country: At last the Conference ended its work on December 24, 1932, amidst depressing world conditions and amidst the intransigence of the Muslim delegates, and their indifference to the goal of India. Ambedkar immediately left for India. Ambedkar returned to Bombay by the Gange on January 23, 1933. Along with him was Sir Purshottamdas Thakurdas. On landing, he was given an enthusiastic reception by the Samata Sainik Dal. At the Ballard Pier, Ambedkar received a telegram from Gandhi asking him to see the letter in Yeravda Jail. Ambedkar wired back to Gandhi that he would see him on his return from Delhi. The next day Ambedkar received a wire from Dr. Ba Maw of Rangoon which said: "Burma anti-separatists leaders proceeding to Delhi next week to meet Indian leaders during the Assembly Session. They are anxious to discuss Burma constitutional situation with you and other leaders. We, therefore, request you to meet the deputation in Delhi on 4th and 5th February." Several congratulatory messages were received in Ambedkar's office from all quarters of the country. One of them was from the Thiya Yuvajan Samaj of Ernakulam, congratulating their great leader gratefully on the bold fight he gave at the Round Table Conference for the rights and liberties of the Depressed Classes and the people of the Native States. The Doctor left Bombay for Delhi to attend the informal meeting of delegates to the RTC convened by the Viceroy. After his return from Delhi, he wired to Gandhi that he would be able to see him on the 4th February. Gandhi informed Ambedkar by wire on February 3. It is clear that Ambedkar could not meet the Burma delegation in Delhi.
Issued Famous statement on the temple Entry Bill: On February 12, 1933, Ambedkar issued his famous statement on the temple entry Bills and movement, and sent a copy to "Dear Mahatmaji" in Yeravda Jail. Referring to Ranga Iyer's Bill, Ambedkar said that the Untouchables were not inclined to support it because the Bill was based on the principle of majority and did not regard untouchability as a sin. They said that the majority was opposed to temple entry. Ranga Iyer introduced his Bill on March 24, 1933. But with the connivance of the Congress Members and the lack of sympathy on the part of government for the Bill, the orthodox leaders smothered it by resorting to dilatory methods. The result was that a few months later the Temple Entry Bill dropped dead. After issuing his statement on the Temple Entry Bill, Ambedkar carried on propaganda against the spiritualistic fads and superstitions of his people which had emasculated and devitalised them for ages. He impressed upon their minds that to them bread was better than the worship of God, at a conference at Kasara in Thana District.
Insult in Marriage Ceremony: A meeting held at Mazgaon, Bombay, in the last week of February 1933. Another meeting held in Bombay to present him with an address, in the first week of March 1933, he said: "This address is full of superlatives about my work and qualities. It means you are deifying a common man like you. these ideas of hero-worship will bring ruin on you if you do not nip them in the bud. By deifying an individual, you repose faith four your safety and salvation in one single individual with the result that you get into the habit of dependence and grow indifferent to your duty. If you fall a victim to these ideas, your fate will be no better than logs of wood in the national stream of life. Your struggle will come to naught." After the Yeravda episode, there was a move among the High Court lawyers of Bombay to honour Ambedkar, but the idea had to be given up for want of a suitable place for the function. A Gujarati legal celebrity wanted to invite Ambedkar to the marriage ceremony of his son, but he, too, could not do so on account of his untouchability
He was presented with a purse at Kurla: Ambedkar visited the Hostel of the Depressed Class students on April 4, 1933, which was then removed to the Aga Khan's bungalow at Thana. To secure this bungalow Ambedkar sent a cablegram to the Aga Khan, who with difficulty granted his request. Addressing a meeting of the students, Ambedkar related to them how the Ashram was started at Panvel in the house of a Jew who take advantage of the helplessness of the Depressed Classes and had enhanced the rent. He asked the students to compare the most insulting and inconvenient environment, in which he himself had studied, with the convenience and surroundings they were now enjoying in the hostel. He then advised them not take part in politics during their school days and asked them to create value and worth for their say. Next week Ambedkar addressed a Conference of the Depressed Classes at Sopare. On April 12 he and V. G. Rao, the Chairman of the School's Committee, Bombay Municipality, were honoured, the latter for his services to the cause of education of the Depressed Classes. The meeting was held at the Maidan behind Damodar Hall. Replying to the address, Ambedkar said that his original plan was to become a professor and lead the life of student. With that end in view he had sacrifice all pleasures and purchased books in thousands. But fortunately of unfortunately he was thrown into the vortex of politics. The same night he was presented with a purse at Kurla near Bombay under the chairmanship of Rao Bahadur S. K. Bole.
Left Bombay for London: On the eve of his departure to London, Ambedkar was given an address, on April 23, by the Depressed Classes of Poona at the Damodar Hall in Bombay. Addressing the meeting, he said that during the second session of the Round Table Conference he was helpless. He could not estrange the British Government by siding with Gandhi who was not prepared to concede anything to the Depressed Classes. He declared that since his struggle for the rights of the Depressed Classes was nearing success, he would devote his energies to wresting as much power for the country as was possible for him. At the conclusion of the meeting, he appealed to his people not to come to the Ballard Pier to give him a send-off as was their practice. He said they should not do it at the cost of one day's wages.
Tried to help his benefactor Keluskar: Ambedkar left for the London on April 24, 1933, to attend the session of the Joint Committee and reached London on the 6th May. From London he called for detailed information regarding Gandhi's fresh fast as the London newspapers gave little or no news about Gandhi's fast which he had started on May 8., as a means of purification. During these days the leader and organiser in Ambedkar always remained in close touch with his lieutenants, sharing their joys and sorrows and acting as their guide and adviser in the hour of their need. While in London he tried to help his benefactor Keluskar, who was now an old man. He submitted a presentation to the Maharaja of Baroda through his Diwan and appealed to the Maharaja to grant Keluskar a monthly pension. He wrote from London to Bhaskarrao Kadrekar who edited hid weekly Janata and looked after the Press
News spread that he was to go over to Islam: About this time news spread in some circles through Gavai that Ambedkar was to go over to Islam. Subhedar Savadkar wrote to Ambedkar that it was the general opinion of his people that their "Raja" Ambedkar would not take such a hasty step until he had solved their problem. In reply Ambedkar wrote to Savadkar from London that he had a talk with Gavai regarding the issue of conversion and told him among other things that he was determined to leave the fold of Hinduism and embrace some other religion. He had also told him that he would never embrace Islam and that he was that at juncture inline to Buddhism.
Discussed with Churchill, Left London and reached Bombay: On October 23rd and 24th, Winston Churchill was cross-examined. Ambedkar crossed so sword with Churchill when he quoted a speech which latter had made in Parliament and asking him questions thereon, he floored Churchill. Ambedkar's confidence fearlessness and fighting spirit proved equal to that of the greatest imperialist of his age. The Joint Committee completed its work in November 1933. It supported the White Paper and appointed a small Committee to draft the constitution in the light of the discussion. Most of the Members returned to India. Ambedkar was then busy in London collecting data for a book on the Indian Army. Ambedkar left London and reached Bombay on January 8, 1933 by the Victoria. He was writing a book named Army in India and that interested him more than anything else. He could not say when the book would be published, but hoped it would be out shortly. The book was intended to deal purely with the constitutional aspect of the Army question.
Drawing plan for a house which he intended to built at Bordi: The untiring frame of his body felt the necessity for rest, the nervous clamoured for election, and he suffered from braifag. The nervous exhaustion was so great that he sought resort to secluded place. He went to Bordi for a full day and then to Mahabaleshwar and was under observation of Ayurvedik Doctors. At Bordi he had rest when there was no visitor. There he was engrossed in drawing plan for a house which he intended to built at Bordi and wrote to Kamalakant Chitre that the latter might laugh at the idea; but it was a wonderful plan. He also informed Chitre that he was going for a swim. "The sea is calling and it is so near and I must respond."
Built Palace named Rajgriha for Books, in Dadar, Bombay: He reverted to the legal profession and acted as a part-time professor in a Government Law College, Bombay from June 1934. Truly speaking a man of his eminence erudition and legal experience should have been appointed Head of the Institution. Do you know any man in Asia who is built bungalow to house a library? Mark his name is Ambedkar. He built a house for books at Hindu Colony, Dadar Bombay. It was not built in the normal way in which other houses are built. Like Thomas Jefferson the owner of the house bought book s on the architecture and studied the subject. So fascinated was Ambedkar with the idea of raising a convenient a grand structure to his liking and plan that he caused some parts of the house to be demolished after they were built and got them reconstructed. This happened so often that one of his colleagues remarked that if Ambedkar had kept insisting on having a window after the model of one from the grand structure of the London Museum, a door after the Model of the New York Library and the dome and shape of a place, the house would have never seen its roof. But at long last his house was completed, and the library was house in the proper way after frequent changes in the arrangement. Now the scholar was at his best with the ancient and modern scholars and thinkers weighing, testing and scrapping knowledge derive from them. The house was named Rajgriha. The ground floor of the house was used for household purposes, and the simple, pious and religious-minded Ramabai, wife of the Doctor, moved in 'Rajgriha' with strange emotions and some embarrassment. The "Saheb", as he was called his family and by his people, took his meals in the company of the great thinkers and law- givers of past ages.
India Bill was introduced in the British Parliament: The report of Joint Committee was out, and on December 19, 1934, the India Bill was introduced in the British Parliament. Expressing his opinion on the Joint Committee's Report, Ambedkar said that the Depressed Classes were opposed not only to the establishment of Second Chamber, but also to their composition. According to them, the purpose of the Poona Pact would be defeated and what was more the Depressed Class candidates stood no chance success against their influential caste Hindu rivals in the elections to Second Chamber.

Announcement of Conversion

Group of Untouchables from a village near Nasik decided to embrace Islam: Twelve Untouchables had embraced Islam. A group of untouchables from a village near Nasik had, about this time decided to embrace Islam, but Ambedkar advised them to wait for some time and see whether they could ennoble Hinduism. It was announced on the eve of the Yeola Conference that it was convened by the leaders of the Depressed Classes to review the political and social situation in the light of their ten-year-old struggle and the coming reforms. On his way to Yeola, Ambedkar was entertained at Nasik Road at a tea - Party by the Meghwal (sweepers) community, and at an intercaste dinner in Nasik.

Yeola Conference held: The Conference met at Yeola on October 13, 1935 and was attended by about 10,000 Untouchables of all shades of opinion including representatives from the Hyderabad state and the central provinces. Expressing his pleasure at the great response and interest evinced by the Depressed Classes in planning their future, Rankhambe - Chairman of the Reception Committee said in his welcome speech that "Degenerated Hinduism was rightly called Brahminism because it benefited only the Brahmin hierarchy as a class".
Given speech: In a tremendously feeling speech lasting over an hour and a half, Ambedkar recounted the plight of the Depressed Classes in all spheres, economic, social, educational and political and pointed out the immense sacrifices made by them to secure the barest human rights as member of the same community under the protection of Hinduism. He specially referred to the Kalaram Temple entry movement wherein inhuman treatment was meted out to them during the past five years and told them how their struggle to secure elementary rights and equal status in the Hindu Society had came to naught. He said that it gave him a very painful realization that the times and money spent on and efforts made to achieve those objectives and proved utterly fruitless. He therefore, expressed his opinion that the time for making a final decision to settle the mater had arrived. The disabilities they were labouring under and the indignities they had to put up with, he added, were the result of their being member of the Hindu community. He inquired if it were not better for them to withdraw that fold and embrace some other faith that would give them an equal status, a secure position and rightful treatment.
He declared, he will not die as Hindu: He then, with a rise in his voice , exhorted them to serves their connections with Hinduism and seek solace and self-respect in another religion, but warned them to be very careful in choosing the new faith and to see that equality of treatment, status and opportunities was guaranteed to them unreservedly. Referring to his own personal decision in the matter, Ambedkar said that unfortunately for him he was born a Hindu Untouchable. It was beyond his power to prevent that, but he declared that it was within his power to refuse to live under ignoble and humiliating conditions. "I solemnly assure you that I will not die a Hindu" he thundered. In the end he asked his people to stop the Kalaram Temple satyagraha as the past five years had demonstrated the futility of such agitation against the tyrannical caste Hindus, who had thwarted their attempts and showed impenitent hearts. He exhorted them to conduct themselves in such a way in future as would leave no doubt to the outside world of their decision to be and to remain a separate community outside the Hindu fold, carving out for themselves a future worthy of free citizens.
Conference ended: Accordingly, after the full discussions, the Conference passed, in view of the callous and criminal indifference shown by the caste Hindus to their demand for social equality, a resolutions instructing the Depressed Classes to stop the struggle which they had carried on for the ten past years for raising the Untouchables to a status equal with that of the caste Hindus and in the hope of consolidating and strengthening both sections into the great and powerful society. It further exhorted the untouchables to stop frittering away their energies over fruitless attempts and to devote themselves to securing an honorable status and an independent position on the basis of equality with the other societies in Hindustan.The conference ended and the new chapter began in the life of Ambedkar. It was a definite, grave departure from the original aims and objects of his movement.
After declaration: Ambedkar's address rocked all circles, political parties and social institutions to the bottom. Proselytizing (Converting) religions with their topmost missionary zeal picked up their ears in the hope of hearing the death-rattle of Hinduism in its National Home, its Birth Place! Leaders of Islam cast greedy glances at Ambedkar and promoters to Christianity turned many a holy thought in their minds at the sight of the prospective recruits who would add strength, power and support to their faith and existence. They all thought that if Ambedkar's threat was translated into action, it would definitely tilt the balance to the permanent crippling of the Hindus. The Sikh also thought of angling for Ambedkar and of adding to their strength.
Received letter form Muslims: A stream of letters and telegrams flowed in Ambedkar's residence in Bombay from all quarters of Hindustan and other parts of the world. Christian and Muslim leaders began to move. The Muslim leader, K.L.Guaba, M.L.A., telegraphed to Ambedkar stating that all Muslim - India was ready to welcome and honour him and the Untouchables, and promising the fullest equality and rights in every sphere, political, social, economic and religious. He added that if Ambedkar wished to discuss any matter with the Muslims, he should come to the Muslim Conference at Badaun which was to be held on October 20, 1935.
Discussed with Christian Bishop: Asked what he taught of Ambedkar's declaration, Bishop Brenton Thoburn Badley of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Bombay, opined that the Christian view of life made it impossible to think that great communities of people involving millions could really become Christians except when they experienced a real change of heart which was called conversion. He further observed that Ambedkar's statement would be welcomed by the Christian Church because it indicated an ambition on the part of the Depressed Classes for the better things in life and it also showed that a new era for them was about to dawn.
Offered came from Buddhists: Another appealing offer came from the Secretary of the Mahabodhi Society, Banaras in a telegram to Ambedkar saying that Ambedkar with his community was most cordially welcome to embrace Buddhism, which was professed by the greater part of Asia. "Among Buddhists there are no religious or social disabilities. We guarantee equal status to all converts. There is no caste distinction amongst us. We are willing to send workers," concluded the message.
Discussed with Sikhs: Yet a struggle appeal came from a brother community of the Sikhs. Sardar Dilip Singh Doabia, Vice-President of the Golden Temple Managing Committee, wired to Ambedkar, stating that the Sikh religion fulfilled the desired requirements regarding the conversion of the Depressed Classes, and he added: "The Sikh religion is monotheistic and all-loving, and provides for equal treatment of all its adherents."
Opinion of Gandhi: Commenting on the declaration made by Dr. Ambedkar, Gandhi styled his decision an unfortunate event especially when untouchability was on its last legs. He said he could understand the anger of a high-souled and and highly educated person like Dr. Ambedkar over atrocities such as were committed in Kavitha and other villages, and added: "But religion is not like a house or a cloak, which can be changed at will. It is a more integral part of one's own self than of one's body". "I am convinced," concluded Gandhi, "that a change of faith by him and those who passed the resolution will not serve the cause which they have at their heart, for the millions of unsophisticated, illiterate Harijans will not listen to him and them who had disowned their ancestral faith; especially when it is remembered that their lives for good or for evil are intervolved with those of caste Hindus".
Opinion of Savarkar: Savarkar, who had ushered in a new era in Maharashtra in respect of the removal of untouchability, warned the Depressed Classes from Ratnagiri, the place of his interment, against taking such a step. On their conversion, he observed there was no possibility of their receiving treatment of equality under Christianity or Islam in India. He pointed to the prevailing riots between touchable Christians in Travancore. Observing that untouchability was on its wane, Savarkar turned to the rationalistic side of the problem and said in a bold and fervent appeal: "Truly speaking, any Ism in the sense of religion contains something which is not amenable to reason and which is based on belief. Those who hold that the existing religious opinions are not amenable to reason or logic should not hug irrational prejudices. Ambedkar, therefore, should embrace a religion which is based on principles that are not averse to logic and reason." What they should do he concluded, was to tight out valiantly for equity by the side of the progressive Hindus and rise in the scale of life.
Dr. Rajedra Prasad's expressions: The congress President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, deplored the Yeola resolution; and although he appreciated the resentment which was at the root of the Yeola resolution, he said it was unfortunate that anything should be done to make the work of the reformers more difficult.
Kajrolkar was shocked: Deorukhar, a Depressed Class Leader of Bombay said that it was no use embracing another religion : instead of being untouchables in dwindling numbers in Hinduism, they would be Untouchables in another; for inequality was there in one form or the other in almost all religions. Kajrolkar, another leader of the untouchables in Bombay was shocked to hear the decision. He added that it broke their hearts to see that especially a leader like Ambedkar, who had given them lead in their moment of despair, should have asked them to commit suicide. He further said that religion was a not a matter for business transaction. A Depressed Class leader from Nagpur said that they should strive to secure equal status with the caste Hindus. Ambedkar's colleague, Dr. Solanki, expressed similar views and that the younger generation would improve matters and added that the Depressed Classes should keep up their struggle for their betterment and equality of treatment.
Sindhi Hindu wrote a letter in blood and threatened him with death: Yet Ambedkar's declaration come as a thunderbolt to a man who was his colleague at the Round Table Conference. That leader was Srinivasan. He said that conversion to other faiths would weaken the numerical strength of the Depressed Classes and would encourage their aggressors. The best advice, he observed , to be given to the community was that they should keep their strength and fight for their rights and principles, which would be manly. A Sindhi Hindu wrote a letter in blood and threatened Dr. Ambedkar with death, if he renounced Hinduism.
Meeting with Masurkar Maharaj: On his return to Bombay from Yeola Ambedkar stayed for about two days with Dr. Sadanand Galvankar at Bassein. There the famous Hindu missionary leader, Masurkar Maharaj, who had reclaimed about ten thousand Christians in Goa to Hinduism, had a three hour talk with him. Ambedkar told the Hindu missionary leader that if the Untouchables abjured Hinduism, that would not affect them much. The Missionary leader said that the exodus would not stop at that and it would be the death of the Hindus in the long run. Thereupon Ambedkar said that it mattered little ; the history of Hindustan would continue. In that case, observed the Missionary leader, it would not be the history of Hindustan. It would be the history of the another Stan such as "Pakistan" ! Ambedkar sadly nabbed and admitted that it would be so. He was not happy at the thought and added that it was in the hands of the caste Hindus to avert the tragedy. When Masurkar asked him about the way out, Ambedkar replied that the caste Hindu leaders should pledge their word that they would extirpate the evil of untouchability within a prescribed period. Masurkar replied that, looking to the magnitude of the problem, it would take some time to do so. In order to enable the caste Hindu leaders to work Ambedkar must withdraw the declaration or postpone the issue, he added. Ambedkar said that he would wait for five to ten years for a change of heart ; but added sarcastically that in the meantime Maharashtrian Brahmins should install K. K. Sakat, A Depressed Class leader, who was, according to the Kesari school of thought, an exemplary Hindu, into the Gadi of the Shankaracharya for one year and that a hundred families of Chitpavan Brahmins should fall at the feet of the new Shankaracharya as a token of their change of heart and acceptance of equal status ! Ambedkar also asked the Missionary leader to define the term "Hindu" in exact words.
Held Conferences to see the support on Conversion issue: In the middle of December 1935, Ambedkar addressed a meeting at Foras Road, Bombay, and declared that the issue of conversion would be first decided at a Mahar Conference which he was contemplating. He presided over a Peasants' Conference at Chari in Kolaba District and impressed upon the poor peasants that their woes had their roots in the joys of the landlords. He urged them to agitate against the serfdom imposed upon them by these self-centered groups. Another Conference was held at Poona on January 12 and 13, 1936, under the presidentship of Prof. N. Shivraj, on the issue of the conversion. Addressing the Conference amidst great cheering, Ambedkar reiterated his declaration on the need for adjourning Hindu religion. Three things were significant at this Maharashtra Untouchable Youths Conference. He first thing was that Dr. Solanki, who had expressed divergent, if not diametrically opposite, views to those of Ambedkar on the issue of conversion, turned a somersault. Supporting now the stand for conversion, he said that there was only one request he had to make to Ambedkar and it was that he should not allow the Untouchables to stay a single moment under the fold of disorganized Hinduism, but should found a new independent religion for them. The Depressed Classes needed no saint, or the Vedas, or the Geeta, or any Shankaracharya, or any apostle, but Ambedkar himself. The second thing was that the Chamar community began to drift gradually from Ambedkar on the issue of conversion. The third thing was that, like Gandhi, who had extended the sphere and time-limit of his fast on the issue of Guruvayur Temple but never undertook it, Ambedkar extended the time-limit of action to an indefinite time and said that he and his community would welcome that religion which would give them the fullest quality of status. Just after the Yeola decision, he had told an interviewer that he was not prepared to wait for the people to follow him in his footsteps.
Attended the Bhajan programme of the Sikhs: During the days of the conference, however, Ambedkar accompanied by Dr. Solanki, attended the Bhajan programme of the Sikhs at night on January 13, 1936. He was requested by the Sikh leaders to accept the Sikh religion. During the same week two depurations of Muslims waited on him in Poona, appealing to the leader of the Depressed Classes to embrace Islam. The Youth Conference adopted a resolution unanimously supporting Ambedkar's move at the Yeola Conference and stressed the value of collective action as declared in that resolution. Since January 1936, Ambedkar ha been preparing an address which he was to deliver to the Jat-Pat-Todhak Mandal, at Lahore, at the of its Annual Conference Ambedkar received several letters from the opponents and the sympathizers of the address which he had delivered at the Youths Conference in Poona. Some said that Varnashram would remove the ills. Others opined that it was futile to reconstruct society on it and the way out was to destroy castes.
Dakkhancha Diva, a Play on the problem of Untouchability: On March 15, Ambedkar was honoured at the Bombay Theatre, Bombay, by the Chitta Rajan Theatrical Company, which then staged a thrilling play called Dakhancha Diva. This play written by Appasaheb Tipnis, a dramatist of note, dealt with the problem of untouchability and was full of scenes from the history of the Peshwas under whose regime the untouchables were compelled to move about in the streets during certain hours of the day with earthen pots tied to their necks and with a thorny broom hanging from their waists to sweep out the marks of their steps. The news of Ambedkar's acceptance of the invitation to witness the play had drawn a big crowd to the theatre, and it was packed to its capacity. The main speaker on the occasion was Anantrao Gadre, who was well known for his sincere and burning heart for social reforms on the basis of social equality in Hindu society. Gadre said that the treatment meted out to the Untouchables was so despicable and inhuman that even the actor refused to go out on the stage with pot hanging from his neck!.
Left for Amritsar to attend Sikh Mission's Conference: Ambedkar left for Amritsar to attend Sikh Mission's Conference, which was to meet on April 13 and 14. The Sikh Conference, which was attended by huge crowds of Sikhs and the Depressed Classes from the Punjab, Kerala, U. P. and C.P. The Conference was presided over by Sardar Bahadur Hukum Singh, a retired District Judge, and the chairman of the reception committee was Wakhas Singh. Ambedkar expressed his approval of the principles of equality among the Sikhs and added that he had not yet made up his mind, though he had decided to renounce Hinduism. The main feature of the Conference was the conversion of five prominent Depressed Class leaders of the Thiyya community of Kerala headed by Dr. Kuttir and fifty others from the U.P. and C. P., to Sikhism.
Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal and Sikh Conference: It seems that Ambedkar had not given out a word of his proposed visit to Amritsar in connection with the Sikh Conference to Har Bhagwan, for the letter wrote from Lahore on April 14, to Ambedkar: "Reaching here, I came to know that you had come to Amritsar. I would have been seen you here if I were well enough to go about." Ambedkar's participation in the Sikh Conference worsened the suspicion of the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal. They therefore informed him to expunge some portions of his printed address which he proposed to deliver at the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal's Conference and postponed the conference sine die. The portion they wanted to expunge from Ambedkar's printed address related to the Vedas and Hindu scriptures. In reply, Ambedkar wrote that he would not change a comma and cancelled the programme. Ambedkar himself was of the opinion that his presence at the Conference had a good deal to do with the decision of the Committee. As he was engaged in secret talks with the Sikh leaders, and had painly said in his proposed address that it was the last speech he was going to deliver as a Hindu, the Mandal refused to accept him as their President for the Conference.
Received their followers at Wardha: About this time Gandhi camp was also disturbed by Ambedkar's activities. Ambedkar was therefore persuaded by Seth Walchand Hirachand to see Gandhi. Accompanied by Walchand Hirachand, Ambedkar met Gandhi at Wardha and then at Segaon (Sevagram), but they could not agree on the solution to the problem. Gandhi wrongly thought that there were many influences in India and London acting behind Ambedkar and the problem had been allowed to assume unduly large proportions because of his threats. On his way back from Segaon, Ambedkar was received enthusiastically at Wardha station by the Depressed Classes. Walchand Hirachand and jamnalal Bajaj, the millionaire supporters of Gandhi, asked Ambedkar why he did not join Gandhi's camp, so that he might have boundless resources at his disposal for the uplift of the Depressed Classes. Ambedkar told them frankly that he vitally differed from Gandhi on many points.
Published Annihilation of Caste: Depressed Classes that had gathered to receive Ambedkar, and they remarked that although they spent money on their cause the Harijans did not respond to them properly. Ambedkar at once answered that it was the difference between a mother and a nurse. The Doctor published his undelivered address in the form of a booklet entitled Annihilation of Caste, and the posthumous child of the proposed Conference had survived the passage of time as a great thesis on the annihilation of caste. The demand for this thesis was so great that the English of the thesis ran out within two months, and it was translated into prominent languages such as Punjabi, Marathi, Tamil, Gujarati and Malayalam.
Conference of Mahar Community: Ambedkar was satisfied with the Untouchable Youths Conference at Poona. In order to have an estimation of the real support of his people for the conversion movement, he decided to hold a conference of the Mahar Community from which he sprang. Accordingly the Conference met on May 30 and 31, 1936, at Dadar, Bombay, in a specially erected pandal. Amongst those that were present by special invitations were Stanley Jones, a European missionary and B. J. Jadhav. On the platform were a number of Sikh and Muslim leaders and priests eager to catch any direct or indirect hint in the matter of conversion. The object of the conference was to devise ways and means to implement the resolution passed at Yeola. Revji D. Dolas welcomed the delegates. B. S. Venkatrao, a Depressed Class leader from Hyderabad, presided over the Conference.
Delivered his speech: Ambedkar then rose to address the Conference. The whole audience listened to him in complete silence. Ambedkar delivered his speech in Marathi which was spread over fifty pages of manuscript. At the outset Ambedkar told the Conference that he had called a Conference of Mahars only, because he wanted to sound the opinion of the Mahar community, and although others, who believed in conversion, were not invited the Conference, they would do well to support the movement for conversion in their own conferences. Those who were against it, he added, should not mind their being isolated from this Conference. After this Conference, Ambedkar addressed a meeting of Mahar hermits in the same pandal, and the hermits also decided to renounce Hindu religion. It is a tribute to the forceful appeal of Ambedkar that even the hermits should prepare themselves to burn their old ties with the religion of their forefathers, and they actually made a bonfire of articles which snacked of the symbols of Hinduism.
Sent his son and nephew to Gurudwar Mandir of Amritsar to Study Sikhism: A few days before this, Ambedkar had made a strange gesture towards Sikhism by sending his son and nephew to the Gurudwar Mandir of Amritsar. These Youths lived there for about one and half months in the warm hospitality of the Sikhs who received them with hope. The declaration reiterated by the leaders of the Depressed Classes made the mouths of the heads of different faiths water and whetted their appetite. They now began to press Ambedkar to embrace their own religion and win equality and freedom. Some Muslim leaders, probably with the Nizam at their back, were striving their utmost to win Ambedkar to Islam. They tried to contact Ambedkar in Bombay; but Ambedkar spent the whole day in a motor car roaming in the city, and in order to be away from their allurements. He went to village named Sav, a place of hot springs, near Mahad, and eluded them. Nevertheless, he attended a party held at a Muslim High School in Bombay, but did not make any speech on the pretext of sore-throat and listened to the honeyed speeches of the Muslim spokesmen.
Italian Buddhist Monk named Rev. Lokanatha met to him: The Buddhistics, too, tried in their own way to capture him. One of their missionaries, an Italian Monk by name Rev. Lokanatha, who was founder of the Lokanatha Buddhist Mission, came to Ambedkar's residence at Dadar on June 10, 1936. Clad in the robe of a priest and carrying a bowl and umbrella, he interviewed Ambedkar and tried to persuade him to embrace Buddhism. after his talk with Ambedkar, the monk, in an interview to the press, said that the leader of the Depressed Classes seemed to be impressed with the Buddhistic faith and promised to consider the question carefully, but had not given any definite reply. The Saviour - for the monk's original Italian name was Salvatore - said that he had reason to believe that Ambedkar would come round to his view and added that his own ambition was to convert all Harijans to Buddhism. the monk then went to Ceylon on a pilgrimage.
Decided to embrace Sikhism: Ambedkar consulted his colleagues from different provinces in the matter of choosing the proper religion for conversion. He had now decided to embrace Sikhism. His friends and colleagues felt that Ambedkar should seek the support of the Hindu Sabha leaders in their conversion to Sikhism; for, the Hindu Sabha leaders believed that Sikhism was not an alien religion. It was an offspring of Hinduism and therefore the Sikhs and Hindus intermarried, and the Sikhs were allowed to be members of the Hindu Mahasabha. Accordingly, Dr. Moonje the spokesman of the Hindu Mahasabha, was invited to Bombay. In the presence of two other friends Ambedkar had a talk with Dr. Moonje at Rajgriha, on June 18, 936, at half past seven that night. Ambedkar cleared all issues and had a free talk with Dr. Moonje. The next day the purport of Dr. Ambedkar's views was reduced to a statement and was given to Dr. Moonje, who approved of it personally. After discussing this issue with Dr. M. R. Jayakar and Dr. N. D. Savarkar, Dr. Moonje left Bombay on June 22, to secure the approval of Hindu leaders to the conversion of the Untouchable Hindus to Sikhism. He sent a copy of Ambedkar's statement of objects to different Hindu leaders for their approval. He deputed on September 18, 1936, a group of his followers to the Sikh Mission at Amritsar to study the Sikh religion. They were a batch of thirteen men none of whom was a scholar or a first-rate Ambedkarite. In a letter written to one of them, immediately after their arrival at Amritsar, Ambedkar encouraged them, congratulated them on their being the vanguard of the conversion movement, and wished them all success. But it should be noted here that he had not asked them to embrace Sikhism.
Founded Independent Labour Party: 1937 was to witness the inauguration of the Provincial Autonomy under the Government of India Act, 1935. The coming elections aroused keen interest and contest. Every party was now busy making preparations for fighting the elections. To that end Ambedkar, too, began to lay down his plans. After discussions with his colleagues, he founded a new political party called the Independent Labour Party in August 1936. When all the preliminaries for the election work were over, Ambedkar left for Geneva on Wednesday, November 11, 1936, by an Italian steamer for a change of air. But was said that it was his inner motive to go to London to sound the British statesmen whether the safeguards provided for the Depressed lasses in the new Constitution would be available to them even if they went over to Sikhism. It would not be far from truth if one drew the foregoing conclusion from the noiseless hurry with which he left for Europe on the eve of the first general elections to the legislatures under the new constitution.
Vividha Vritta, Marathi weekly sent news that he had married an English lady : Ambedkar visited Europe, according to him, purely for reasons of health and spent most of the time in Vienna and Berlin. He was in London only for a week. While he was in London, a representative of the Vividha Vritta, a leading Marathi weekly, sent news that Ambedkar had married an English lady and was coming to India with her on January 14, 1937. Looking to the close friendship of the editor with Ambedkar, it could not be said that it was an out-and-out stunt in the world of Journalism. News about the marriage of a great politician thrills the pages of the world press. Men of great powers more often that not acts as a magnet to the fair sex. There was a rumour that an English lady was captivated by Ambedkar's great personality and was insisting on marriage. Such a marriage would not have affected his position in any way.
Babasaheb returned to Bombay alone: On January 14, 1937, Ambedkar returned to Bombay. When asked in an interview on landing, if he had married, he flatly denied the rumour and dismissed it as entirely baseless. He added that he had no reason to marry stealthily. He said that he had no interviews of a political nature with anyone in London. As usual Ambedkar was accorded a rousing reception at the Ballard Pier. A vast crowd eager to see his European wife thronged the entire route. But they were surprised to see their Babasaheb alone. Ambedkar immediately launched his election campaign. The Election Day was drawing very near. A month more and the elections would be over. His new Party was to face the opposition from the biggest political Party in the land, a party which was equipped with men, money and surrounded with the halo of patriotic sacrifices.
Supported to L. B. Bhopatkar, the leader of the Democratic Swaraj Party: Ambedkar toured all the districts in the Bombay Presidency. He made short speeches at Nasik, Ahmednagar, Khandesh, Sholapur, Satara and Belgaum. During his flying visit to Satara, he placed a wreath on the Samadhi of his mother with pious tears in his eyes. At Nagar he attended the Nagar District Depressed Classes Conference and exhorted his people to support Roham who was contesting the election on his Party' ticket. He also addressed meetings at Panvel and Mahad. Another feature of the election campaign was that Ambedkar extended his support to L. B. Bhopatkar, the leader of the Democratic Swaraj Party. Bhopatkar wrote a letter to Ambedkar in the first week of February 1937, requesting Ambedkar to issue an appeal to his men in Poona to vote for him in the insuing election. Ambedkar, therefore, with all his heart, supported the candidature of Bhopatkar and wished him success.
Elected with a thumping majority: The elections took place on February 17, 1937, and when the result was declared, the Congress candidate Palvankar was found to have shown some fight, but the other two were left at the polls undiscovered in the heap of discomfiture and defeat. Ambedkar was elected with a thumping majority. Bhopatkar gave a heroic fight, but lost against heavy odds. Of the seventeen candidates put up by the Independent Labour Party fifteen came out successful. Thinking people now saw ahead a colourful fight between Ambedkar and the Congress Party in the Assembly; for Ambedkar meant terror and bittering opposition to the Congress fads and prejudices.
Chavdar Tank case was decided in favour of the Depressed Classes: The Depressed Classes in the Bombay Presidency rejoiced in their leader's victory at the polls. Ambedkar was felicitated on his resounding victory at the Maharwada in Sangli immediately after the election results were out. Untouchable Hindus from neighbouring villages and small towns attended the function with great interest and pride. Yet another victory awaited him to complete Ambedkar's triumph. The protracted case over the use of the water of the Chavdar Tank was decided in favour of the Depressed Classes by the Bombay High Court on March 17, 1937, upholding the decision of the Assistant Judge at Thana, who had decided the case four years earlier. Shortly after, at a meeting held under the auspices of the Independent Labour Party at the Kamgar Maidan, in Bombay. Ambedkar reiterated his views and expressed his firm determination to work the new constitution for what it was worth in the best interests of the Depressed Classes. Appealing to the Congress Party to play the game and end the deadlock, he sounded a note of warning to the Congress Party.
Entertained at a tea-party by Barve of Harijan Sevak Sangh: On July 31, 1937, while Ambedkar was on his way to Dhulia on a professional visit, he was accorded a great ovation at dawn by the Depressed Classes at Chalisgaon station. In the morning he reached Dhulia at eight o'clock and was greeted with thunderous applause and amidst shouts of a new slogan - "Who is Ambedkar?" "Ambedkar is our King!" Ambedkar then was taken out in procession to the traveler's bungalow. After the business in the court was over, in the afternoon he was entertained at a tea-party by Barve of Harijan Sevak Sangh. In the evening Ambedkar addressed a meeting at the Vijayanand Theatre. Then came off the first general meeting of the Independent Labour Party. It was held at the Neighbourhood House, Nagpada, Bombay, on August 7, 1937. Ambedkar was elected President and treasure
Introduced a Bill to abolish the Khoti System: Early in September 1937, he presided over a District Conference of the Depressed Classes at Mysore. In the course of his address he told his audience that it was his confirmed opinion that Gandhi was not the man to look to the interests of the working classes and the poor. As regards the labour movement carried on by the Communists, he added that there was no possibility of his joining them. He declared that he was a confirmed enemy of the Communists, who exploited the labourers for their political ends. Ambedkar himself was doing his best to promote the interests of the agricultural masses that laboured under unbearable disadvantages. On September 17, 1937, during the Poona Session of the Bombay Assembly, he introduced a Bill to abolish the Khoti system of land tenure in Konkan.
The first legislator who introduce a Bill for the abolition of the serfdom of agricultural tenants: It must be noted that in the first popular Provincial Assemblies Ambedkar was the first legislator in India to introduce a Bill for the abolition of the serfdom of agricultural tenants. By his Bill he aimed at abolishing the tenure with a view to securing occupancy rights to the tenants. He desired abolition of the Khoti tenure and substitution of the ryotwari system, to make provision for payment of reasonable compensation to the Khots for the loss of their rights. And to give those inferior holders, who were in actual possession of land, the status of occupants within the meaning of the Land Revenue Code, 1879. But as Government postponed the issue, Ambedkar could not move the Bill. Ambedkar also introduced a Bill to abolish the Mahar Vatan for which he had been agitating since 1927. It was at last abolished under the Bombay Inferior Village Vatans Abolition Act I of 1959
Spoke before Matang Community: In November 1937, a group of young men belonging to the Depressed Classes congratulated Ambedkar on his great election triumph, on behalf of their Adi-Dravida Youth Sangh. Replying to the address, Ambedkar warned them against joining the Congress. In the last week of the month the Depressed Classes of Bombay felicitated Bhaurao Gaikwad, their Nasik leader, for his ceaseless struggle, sincere social work and the heroic fight he put up for the civic rights of the Depressed Classes. Ambedkar paid his lieutenant a rare tribute for his service, comradeship and sacrifice. On December 30, 1937, Ambedkar left for Pandharpur to preside at the Sholapur District Conference of the Depressed Classes. On his way he was enthusiastically received at dawn at Kurduwadi station. Then he and his party were taken in a special bus to Pandharpur. On their way Ambdedkar made a brief halt and made a short speech before Matang Samaj at Karkam village. At noon he reached Pandharpur where he was taken out in procession to the Traveler's Bungalow. The President of the Pandharpur Municipality met him at the Bungalow, and then they both left for the conference which was held at the Municipal Dharmashala. People from far and near gathered to hear their great leader. More than one thousand women were present.
Conference supported the Mahar Vatan Bill introduced: Conference supported whole-heatedly the Mahar Vatan Bill introduced The Conference supported whole-heatedly the Mahar Vatan Bill introduced in the Assembly by their leader. Ambedkar was then taken to the Municipal Hall. The members received him cheerfully. The President made a feeling speech on the occasion and garlanded the guest. Ambedkar reciprocated their feelings and thanked them all. From Pandharpur, Ambedkar went to Sholapur to address the Matang Conference. On his arrival, he was presented with a civic address of welcome by the Sholapur Municipality on the morning of January 4, 1938, at the Bhagwat Chitra Mandir. Ambedkar made a very important speech, expressing his views on the working of Parliamentary Democracy. The next day Ambedkar made another important speech in Sholapur. The local Christians were eager to hear his views on religion. So he addressed a meeting of the Christians under the Presidentship of the Rev. Gangadhar Jadhav
Two personalities could captivate him, Buddha and Christ: He said in a very sarcastic tone that since the day he declared his intention to adjure Hindu religion, he had become a commodity for bargain or a source of comedy. He referred to the comedy, Vande Bharatam, written by Acharya P. K. Atre, a well-known playwright in Maharashtra, who had ridiculed the idea of conversion in his play. Yet he stated that he was firm in his resolve. Form his study of comparative religion he could say that two personalities could captivate him. They were the Buddha and Christ. He further said that he wanted a religion which instructed people how they should behave with one another and prescribed for man his duty to another and relation with God in the light of equality, fraternity and liberty. He told the Christians that their co-religionists in Southern India observed caste system in churches.
March of Peasants to support Ambedkar's Bill: Immediately after his return from Sholapur to Bombay, Ambedkar busied himself with a march of the peasants, which he was to lead to the Council Hall in Bombay. Peasants form outlying Districts such as Thana, Kolaba, Ratnagiri, Satara and Nasik came to Bombay in trains and steamers. With torn clothes on, blankets and bundles on their shoulders and staffs in their hands, they came to Bombay to voice their grievances. Their sun-burnt faces shone with a certain enthusiasm. They marched on to the Council Hall from three directions in processions; one from Parel, the other from the Alexandra Docks and the third from Chowpatty. Escorted by the police, they walked slowly along the prescribed routes. Police parties were posted at important junctions. The processionists carried posters bearing slogans such as "Down with the Khoti system" , "Support Dr. Ambedkar's Bill". The processionists reached the Esplanade Maidan near the Victoria Terminus at half past one in the afternoon. There the police officers held up the processions and allowed twenty leaders to go to interview the Chief Minister who was then called the Premier. Parulekar, S. C. Joshi, D. W. Raut, Indulal Yagnik and A. V.Chitre headed by Dr. Ambedkar, saw the Premier.
Demands: The first demand presented by the deputationists was the enforcement of the minimum standard of wages for agricultural labourers. The second was that all the arrears of rent should be remitted since the arrears had been also remitted. They urged that immediate legislation should be made to provide with or without compensation for the abolition of the Khoti System and the Inamdar System; and landlordism, which was economically wasteful and socially tyrannous, must go. The last demand was for reduction of fifty percent of irrigation rates payable by small holders. The premier told the deputationist that every problem was being tackled by the ministry in their own way. The leaders returned to the Esplanade Maidan and addressed a mammoth meeting. Ambedkar made a very powerful speech. He said that the number of books read on Communism exceeded the number of books read by all Communists leaders out together. But he was of the opinion that the Communists never looked to the practical side of the question.
Bhaurao Gaikwad moved an amendment begging the House to delete the appellation "Harijan": Ambedkar had a major clash with the ruling party. It was very vital issue from the point of view of the Depressed Classes. One of the clauses of the new Bill aiming at the amendment of the Local Boards Act, defined the Scheduled Castes at Harijans, the people of God. Ambedkar's lieutenant, Bhaurao Gaikwad, moved an amendment begging the House to delete the appellation. In a closely reasoned speech he told the House that the Depressed Classes had through several conferences voiced their opposition to the appellation, and therefore he appealed to the House not to give statutory recognition to the word "Harijan". He told the House that if they did it, they would not do so. Without raising protest; and added: "If the Untouchable classes were the people of God, were the touchable classes assumed to belong to the monsters?" "If all the people," he concluded, "were to be called Harijans, we should not object. It is no use only giving the Untouchables a sweet name. Some thing practical should be done to ameliorate their condition."
Conference of Peasants and Workers of Ahmednagar: The poor classes of Ahmednagar sought his guidance, and so he addressed a Conference of peasants and workers on January 23, 1938. At Ahmednagar. At Nagar, he was entertained at a tea party in the District Local Board by Bhausaheb Kanawade, a local lowyer, by Sardar Thorat and Tribhuvan, another local pleader. In the evening Ambedkar and his party went in a special lorry to Akola, a small town in the same District, on their way receiving enthusiastic welcomes. He addressed another Conference there for over 90 minutes. The Conference passed resolutions supporting all the Bills that their leader had introduced in the Assembly. A big Conference of Untouchable railway workers was convened at Manmad, on February 12 and 13, 1938. Addressing this Conference of 20,000 workers he described vividly how in his boyhood he had carried tiffin-carriers to his relatives in the mills and had gained close knowledge of the problem. He told them that the condition of labour was quite different in those days. Labour leaders did not try to remove the injustice inflicted upon untouchable workers, as they feared a split among the workers.
Addressed before Manmad Railway Workers: Ambedkar then asked untouchable workers to compare the opportunities of their class with those of a worker who was not an untouchable, and said that the untouchable worker had less opportunities of obtaining work, securing service or advancement in his respective occupation. He observed that it was notorious that there were many appointments from which a Depressed Class worker was shut out by reason of the fact that he was an untouchable. A notorious case in point was that of the textile industry. In the railways it was their lot to work as gangmen. Not to speak of other posts, they were not even appointed porters because porters were used as domestic servants by the station masters, and being untouchables, they were dropped out. The same condition prevailed in the railway workshops. He asked his critics how they would consolidate the working classes when they did not remove such glaring injustice and partiality, which was wrong in principle and injurious to the principle of solidarity. Ambedkar had also to address a very important Conference of the Depressed Class youths in the same pandal. After the Chairman of the Reception Committee, Murlidhar Pagare, made his welcome speech, Ambedkar delivered a very instructive, inspiring and thrilling speech.
Small purse was presented at Tadwadi, Bombay: On his arrival in Bombay, a small purse was presented to Ambedkar on March 19, 1938, by R. K. Tatnis, editor of the Vividha Vritta, on behalf of the Depressed lasses, at Tadwadi, Bombay. Replying to the address, Ambedkar urged his people to join the Independent Labour Party. He said that his health was not good; and he was advised by his doctors to observe complete fast for two days a week, Saturday and Sunday. He was even forbidden to take water and he broke his fast every Monday at noon. Encouraged by the success in the Assembly elections, Ambedkar now turned his attention to the Local Board elections. He visited Islampur and urged the Depressed Classes to vote for his party candidates, who were contesting elections to the Satara District Local Board. After visiting Satara and Poona, he returned to Bombay.
Attacked on Wardha Scheme of Education: When during the course of a discussion on the Bill, Ambedkar attacked the Wardha Scheme of Education fathered by Gandhi and nurtured by Gandhian ideology. Munshi rose and said that Ambedkar was not the competent authority to judge the scheme, and declared that most of the legislators, who were not educationists would not be able to judge the scheme in its proper perspective. One thing is to be noted. Ambedkar was not only an authority on education but also the Principal of a Law College, whereas Munshi was a lawyer and was himself no better judge than Ambedkar, who had moved and worked in the world of education and studied the problems of education.
Resigned the post of the Principal of the Government Law College and made tour to Konkan: Early in May 1938, Ambedkar visited Nagpur to conduct a case concerning the affairs of the head of Satnamis. At the Nagpur station, he was accorded a grand reception. After the court business was over, at night people thronged to hear him in spite of storm, rain and lightning. Next morning he addressed students' meeting visited Kamathee where he made a speech and returned to Bombay. Although the Congress party ruled over the Province, Ambedkar still continued as the Principal of the Government Law College, Bombay. He resigned in May 1938. Immediately on May 13, he made a tour o Konkan Districts. He went to Kankavli via Kolhapur. He presided over a conference of the Depressed Classes at Kankavli in pandal named Ambedkar Nagar. A. V. Chitre, the driving force behind the agrarian movement in Konkan, was present. Kowly, Pradhan and Tipnis were also present at the conference. The little town first saw in its life the use of a loud speaker at this Conference. He declared that he was determined to end their serfdom by abolishing the Khoti system, and if the Bill which he had introduced failed, they should be prepared to launch passive resistance.
Paid visit to Dapoli, Khed, Chiplun, Guhagar and battlefield Mahad: The next day Ambedkar visited Devrukh and Aravali, making brief halts and short speeches before crowds of Depressed Classes and reached Chiplun at night on May 16. Next morning he went to Guhagar, addressed a meeting and returned to Chiplun to address another meeting. He told his audience that Gandhi's so-called mesmerism could not capture him. Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Bose yielded to Gandhi, but he would never do so. After addressing meetings at Khed and Dapoli, he reached Mahad, the battlefield, where he gave the first battle to the orthodox Hindus and the reactionary forces in Konkan. He made a thrilling speech at Mahad before a vast audience expressing disappointment at the policy of the existing Government. He returned to Bombay on May 21, after travelling about a thousand miles.
Attacked on Mahatma Gandhi: During those days, if somebody praised Gandhi as a holy man, Ambedkar replied that Gandhi was owly and described his conduct at the Round Table Conference as an act of treachery! In an interview for a Marathi weekly he said that if a man with God's name on his tongue and a sword under his armpit deserved the appellation of a Mahatma, then Mohandas K. Gandhi was a Mahatma! No other leader in Indian politics had a rougher tongue! No revolutionary speaks a soft language and marches without raising dust and smoke. In the last week of October, Ambedkar visited Bavla, a little town thirty miles from Ahmedabad, where he was presented with an address in the Depressed Class locality. On his return he addressed a meeting at the Premabhai Hall, in Ahemedabad. He admitted that he was opposed to Gandhi in politics. It was because he had no faith in Gandhi; he did not believe that Gandhi would do good to the Depressed Classes. On the last day of the month, he visited Nipani to preside over a conference convened by the Belgaum District Independent Labour Party. On his arrival at Nipani, a mammoth crowd gave him a thunderous applause, and he was taken out in a mile-long procession wherein he was made to sit in a chariot drawn by fifty bullocks.
Industrial Disputes Bill: Meanwhile, the consideration of the Industrial Disputes Bill was taken up in September 1938 by the Bombay Legislative Assembly. Ambedkar and Jamnadas Mehta opposed the Bill tooth and nail. Ambedkar described Bill as bad, bloody and bloodthirsty inasmuch as it made a strike under certain circumstances illegal and affected the right of the labourer to strike. Ambedkar stated that according to him strike was a civil wrong and not a crime, and making a man serve against his will was nothing less than making him a slave. He continued that the Bill ought to have been called 'the Worker' "Civil Liberties Suspension Act". Ambedkar then teased the Government by saying that it was a Government, which claimed to be elected on labour votes; but it did not stand by its election pledges. It was a democracy, he added, that was enslaving the working class, and therefore it was a mockery of democracy. Ambedkar and Jamnadas, the two labour leaders, with their great power of debate and superior intellect so much belabored and hammered the Bill that the Treasury benches were pushed into hot water. But the Congress Ministry was determined to pass the Bill, which they ultimately did.
Strike called by Independent Labour Party: That indifferent attitude created a big tide to opposition outside the Legislative Assembly in the industrial towns and cities which voiced disapproval of the Bill. A one-day strike was declared by the Independent Labour Party and B.P.T.U.C. for Monday, 7th November, 1938. A whirlwind propaganda was carried on in the city of Bombay preparatory to the strike on the one hand, and for the frustration of the strike move on the other hand. Sixty different unions sent out their calls to workers. A meeting of the Council of Action of the T. U.C. was held under the Chairmanship of Jamnadas Mehta on November 6, at 8 a.m. to give final touches to their programme for November 7. Ambedkar summoned his Party MLA s to a meeting of the Council of action of his Party, and chalked out an elaborate programme for making the strike a success. Jamnadas Mehta, too, was present at this meeting. S. K. Patil, the steamer-roller of the Congress, arranged for anti-strike meetings and addressed one himself at Cotton Green. The Government of Bombay summoned about 300 armed Reserve Police with twelve officers from the bordering districts of Bombay and placed them at strategic points near the mill gates in the city. The mainspring of action was the Independent Labour Party, which had distributed among the workers thousands of handbills through its volunteers. Thus the two sides stood for action.
Labour Rally: A labour rally was held at Kamgar Maidan on the evening of November 6, and was attended, in the words of the Congress papers, by no less than 80,000 labourers. Jamnadas presided over a meeting. Jamnadas made a catching attack on the Congress Ministry, and other labour leaders made vigorous speeches condemning the Bill. Ambedkar condemned the Congress Ministry on different counts and said it was the duty of the workers to make the strike a success. The rally over a huge procession started from the Kamgar Maidan and wending its course through Parel, Lalbaug and DeLisle Road. It ended in the Jambori Maidan at Worli. At night, a chief supervising committee was formed with Jamnadas as its Chairman and Ambedkar, Dange Nimkar, Miralkar and Pradhan as its members. Out of twenty-five hundred volunteers engaged in this propaganda 90 percent belonged to Ambedkar's Party.
Labour attacked on Munshi's car: A spectacular feature of the propaganda was the tour in the mill areas by the two great labour leaders, Ambedkar and Jamnadas Mehta, siting side by side, in lorry, decorated with red flags and carrying loudspeaker equipment by means of which they exhorted the workers. The workers lined the streets to make the strike programme a success. Almost all the textile mills as also the Municipal workshops closed down. A few mills worked partially. It was the first strike launched against a popular Government by labour leaders in the teeth of opposition from the interest parties. DeLiesle Road, the nerve-centre of the mill area, was the storm-centre. As a result of stone-throwing there, some people were injured. One police officer and some constables were injured and the police were opened fire to disperse the crowd, when two persons were wounded. There was an unpleasant incident at Parel Road about eleven in the morning when the car of Munshi was attacked by a man who smashed the window screen and the glass to pieces. Sardar Patel, Mathuradas Trikamji and Bhavanji Khimji, who were in the car of the Minister, were not hurt. In all seventy-two persons were injured, eleven severely wounded, and thirty five were arrested during the day.
Discussed with Swami Sahajanand, the Peasant leader: As a finale to the one-day strike, a gigantic rally of workers was held at Kamgar Maidan, Bombay under the presidentship of Jamnadas Mehta in the evening, at which Ranadive, Pradhan, Nimkar, Dange and Mirajkar, the cream of Communists leaders, opened their batteries of attack on the Government for the Black Bill. An effigy of the Bill, and it is said of the Home Minister also, were set on fire at the end of the meeting. Ambedkar made a very fiery speech. Ambedkar and Communists made a united front on the issue of Labour welfare. So great was this event that Swami Sahajanand, the Peasant leader from U.P., saw Ambedkar at his residence in Bombay on December 25, 1938 and had a talk with him about the labour problem in Bombay and the agrarian reforms in general. He tried to persuade Ambedkar to join the Congress to form a united front against imperialism.
Aurangabad District Depressed Classes Conference: In the last week of December 1938, Ambedkar presided over the Aurangabad District Depressed Classes Conference at Aurangabad. It was the first Conference of the Untouchables in the Hyderabad State. The Chairman of the reception committee gave a graphic description of how the people were persecuted and converted to Islam by force and how the Brahmins with the help of the Muslims flouted their attempts to take water from the public tanks and to enter temples. In his message to the Hyderabad Depressed Classes Ambedkar stressed the importance of the Self-respect Movement. On January 6, 1939, Ambedkar addressed a big meeting of agriculturists at Mahad when he impressed upon the audience that the Congress Ministry had failed to mitigate their woes. On his return to Bombay, Ambedkar paid a glowing tribute to the equality of service and sense of responsibility of the volunteers of the Independent Labour Party at the annual parade held at Parel, on January 8, 1939. He recalled to them how both Sardar Patel and Premier Kher had extolled the Dal for its work and discipline.
Invited by Gokhale Education Society's School of Politics and Economics: He was invited to Poona by the Gokhale Education Society's School of Politics and Economics to deliver an address. In his two-hour speech on January 29, 1939, he explained Federation far from leading the country to Independence would block its way permanently. In the course of his speech Ambedkar compared the age of Ranade with the age of Gandhi. The age of Ranade was honest and more enlightened.
Met to Ruler Thakor Saheb, discussed with Gandhi and preside over a Conference: Since February 1939, trouble had been brewing in the Rajkot State where a strong agitation was going on for political reforms. Defeated and disappointed by Subhas Bose' s election to the Presidentship of the Congress, Gandhi hurried to Rajkot apparently to settle the State problem, but with an inward desire to create a crisis just at the time of the Tripuri Congress Session over which Subhash Bose was to preside. Ambedkar was urgently called by the local Depressed Classes to intervene in the dispute regarding their non-conclusion in the Reforms Committee of the State. He, therefore, left by air for Rajkot and on the evening of April 18, saw the ruler, the Thakor Saheb, and at night addressed a meeting of the Depressed Classes, urging them to carry on their struggle for political rights. The next morning he had a talk with Gandhi for forty-five minutes on the question of representation for the Harijans on the Reforms Committee. He stated in an interview at Rajkot that he could not discuss in detail all the points with Gandhi as the Mahatma had a sudden temperature.
Attended a meeting of Chamar Community under the aegis of the Rohidas Education Committee: In the first week of July 1939, Ambedkar attended a meeting organised by the Chamar community under the aegis of the Rohidas Education Committee at the R. M. Bhat High School Hall, Bombay. His presence at this meeting was significant since almost all the Chamar community leaders were estranged from him on the problem of conversion. They had broken with him at the time of the general elections gone by as, according to them, Ambedkar had refused to set up candidates from their community on the ground that they had not supported his conversion policy. Addressing the meeting, Ambedkar said that he had started his uplift work for the whole of the Depressed Classes. He never favoured sectional of sectarian ideas or policy in his uplift work. A few days later, Ambedkar was entertained at a tea party by the authorities of Hansraj P. Thackersey College at Nasik. about this time, Ambedkar chastised the Treasury Benches while speaking on the Finance Act Second Amendment Bill in the Bombay Legislative Assembly.
Conference of 20,000 Mahar, Mangs and Vethias at Haregaon: The Bombay Government levied additional taxes on the Mahar Vatans. Ambedkar had been fighting that problem since 1927. But now instead of relieving the poor from the serfdom, the Government added salt to their injuries by the levy of additional taxes. The Mahars, Mangs and Vethias, in Maharashtra and Karnataka met in Conference at Haregaon in the middle of December 1939., to voice their grievances under the presidentship of Dr. Ambedkar. Addressing the Conference of 20,000 Mahar, Mangs and Vethias, Ambedkar warned Government that if Government did not abrogate the harassing orders and relieving those poor people within six months from the date of the conference from the extortion of work which they were forced to do without any remuneration, there would be no alternative for those people but no refuse the services as a protest against the harassment.
Founded the Mahar Panchayat: On March 19, the Depressed Classes observed as their Independence day - for on that day in 1927 at Mahad their struggle for emancipation began - Ambedkar addressed a rally of 10,000 people at Mahad. In the course of his speech he observed that it was entirely wrong for the Indians to concentrate all their attention on political independence of the country and forget the foremost social and economic problem. At night an address of welcome was presented to Dr. Ambedkar by the Mahad Municipality. Ambedkar founded the Mahar Panchayat and addressed a conference under the auspices of the Panchayat at Bandra, Bombay in May 1940
Discussed with Subhas Bose: At this time Subhas Bose, who was dethroned from the Congress Presidentship, was growing restless. He was trying to rally the Indian forces against the British power that was engaged in a life-and-death struggle in Europe. He came to Bombay and saw Jinah, Ambedkar and Savarkar on July 22, 1940. Subhas Bose was deadly against the acceptance of the proposed Federation; and because Ambedkar was opposed to it he must have considered it a rallying point between them. After their discussion on the issue of federation, Ambedkar asked Subhas Bose whether he would put up his candidates in the election against the congress, he replied in the negative. Ambedkar then asked Subhas Bose what the positive attitude of the party would be to the problem of Untouchables. Bose has no convincing reply and the interview ended.
Thoughts on Pakistan was published and battalion was established: The year 1940 was coming to an end when Ambedkar's magnum opus, Thoughts on Pakistan, was published. During the first quarter of 1941, Ambedkar was busy with the problem of recruitment of the Untouchables, especially the Mahars who are famous for their fighting qualities. Thereupon Government decided to raise a Mahar battalion and Ambedkar issued an appeal to the Mahars to seize the opportunity both for their own sake and for the sake of country. Soon after the battalion was established, several men from the Mahar community were enlisted while a number of them were appointed recruiting officers, one of them being Ambedkar's lieutenant, Jadhav alias Madakebuva who had a genius for organization. Savarkar, who wished the Hindus to reborn into a marital race, expressed his hope that under the able guidance of Ambedkar the Mahar brethren would be re-animated with the military qualities and their military uplift would contribute to the consolidation of the Hindus.
Appointed on the Defence Advisory Committee in the Executive Council: In the last week of July 1941, the Viceroy expanded his Executive Council by including eight representatives Indians and established a Defence Advisory Committee. Ambedkar was appointed on the Defence Advisory Committee along with Jamnadas Mehta, Ramrao Deshmukh, M.C Rajah and other well-known Indians and Indian Princess. The Sikhs and the depressed Classes resented their non-inclusion in the Executive Council. Ambedkar protested against the injustice done to the claims of the Depressed Classes. He sent a cablegram to Amery, the secretary of State for India, informing him that the non-inclusion of their representative was regarded by them as an outrage and a breach of trust. Savarkar upheld Ambedkar's demand and wired to the Viceroy to included Ambedkar in the Executive Council.
Sinnar Conference: As Government failed to respond to the appeal made by the Mahar Conference at Haregaon, another Conference was called at Sinnar in the middle of August 1941. Ambedkar told the Conference that he had addressed a Memorandum to the Government and complained how similar Vatan holders like Deshmukh and Deshpandes were relieved of their duties and yet were enjoying their Vatan property even to that day. Exasperated by the adamant attitude of the Government, the Mahars were driven to adopt an extreme measure of no-tax campaign. The Conference gave a message to the aggrieved Mahars to resort to non-co-operation with Government till Government abandoned the demand for the additional levy. Returning to Bombay, Ambedkar called on the Governor Sir Lawrence Roger Lumley, in the morning at the Government House. Ambedkar's Sinnar speech was flashed in the evening newspapers by I. A. Ezekiel, a front-rank journalist, who unfailingly supported Ambedkar and his movement for years in the world of journalism. Lord Linlithgow, the Governor General, who was then in Bombay, happened to read the speech in the newspapers. He remonstrated with the Governor of Bombay for having alienated the Depressed Classes and for having driven them in the opposite camp. Shortly after this, the Bombay Government revoked its unjust orders and Ambedkar won the day!
"What The Hindus Have Done To Us" began writing: Two weeks later Ambedkar addressed some meetings, stressing the need for joining the military. Ambedkar took keen interest in the militarisation movement, and he attended the second session of the National Defence Council in the first week of December 1942. He was present at the meeting. About this time Ambedkar was working on a book entitled "What The Hindus Have Done To Us". It seems he began writing it on February 13, 1942, and an American firm had talks with him in the matter of its publication.
Discussed on Thoughts on Pakistan: In the middle of February 1942, there were discussions held at the spring lectures series at Wagle Hall, Bombay. Three days were reserved for the discussion on Thoughts on Pakistan. Ambedkar was present at the time of the discussion. Acharya M. V. Donde presided over the meeting. At the express request by Donde, his friend, colleague and an eminent educationist in the Province, Ambedkar rose to reply to the debate. He said at the outset that he would not waste his words on those who thought that Pakistan was not a debatable subject at all. If it was thought that the demand was unjust, then the coming of Pakistan would be a terrible thing for them. It was wrong, he said, to tell the to people to forget history. "They cannot make history," he continued, "who forget history. To bring down the preponderance of the Muslims in the Indian army and to make the army safe, it is wise to let out the hostile element. We will defend our land. Do not be under the false impression that Pakistan would be able to spreads its Muslim empire over India. The Hindu will make it lick the dust. I confess I have my quarrel with the caste Hindus over some points, but I take a vow before you that I shall lay down my life in defence of our land." A thunder of applause greeted his speech.
Nine-day celebration of his fiftieth birthday: The fiftieth birthday of Ambedkar fell on April 14, 1942. To mark the occasion the independent Labour Party and forty-five other public institutions in Bombay and suburbs organised a nine-day celebration consisting of flag salutations, processions and public meetings. The celebrations began on April 12 in all the wards of Bombay City and its suburbs. At Poona processions were taken out through prominent streets and Cantonment, and felicitations were showered on Ambedkar for his selfless services to the cause of the Untouchables at a public meeting at the Shaniwarwada, addressed by M.C. Rajah and P.N. Rajbhoj under the presidentship of Prof. S.M. Mate. The meeting wished their leader a long and happy life. A big meeting was held in the Assembly Hall of the Poona Municipality under the chairmanship of Ganpatrao Nalavade, President of Municipality, and tribute were paid to the great leader of the Untouchables. Dr. Mohile, Popatlal Shah, Chavan and R.R. Bhole spoke highly about the ability and achievements of the great leader.
President of the District Local Board, Poona, unveiled a portrait of Ambedkar: There was another important function held to celebrate the birthday of Ambedkar. Amidst great excitement and jubilation, Aute, the President of the District Local Board, Poona, unveiled a portrait of Ambedkar and said that the Board was proud to have the portrait of Dr. Ambedkar who was not only a great leader of the Depressed Classes but also one of the great leader of India. He added that Ambedkar by his selfless sacrifice had secured a place in the heart of the nation. Keshavrao Jedhe and Bapusaheb Gupte also made speeches paying their tributes to Ambedkar.
Opening ceremony of the women's branch of the Rohidas Tarun Sudharak Sangh: On the morning of April 19, Ambedkar performed the opening ceremony of the women's branch of the Rohidas Tarun Sudharak Sangh. Addressing the meeting of the Sangh in the local cinema house at Kalyan, he exhorted the youth not to accept help from Hindu institutions and patrons, so that they might not sacrifice their spirit of independence for caste Hindu patronage. He also asked them to emulate the spirit of Kacha, a mythological hero, in not deviating from the purpose of life. It was characteristic of Ambedkar that whenever he spoke before his people he cited inspiring anecdotes from the Mahabharata such as the love of self-respect of Dronacharya, the story of Yayati and the devotion of Kacha.
The main function in the series of the Golden Jubilee Celebrations: The main function in the series of the Golden Jubilee Celebrations was held at Chowpatty, Bombay, on April 19, at which Dr. M.R. Jayakar presided. Processions from all quarters of the city ended in a mammoth meeting. Acharya Donde. Chairman of the Jubilee Committee, said that Ambedkar was one of the greatest men of India who had ushered in an epoch in history. Addressing the meeting, Jayakar paid a glowing tribute to the long years of service rendered by Ambedkar to the cause of the Depressed Classes. He told the vast audience how Dr, Ambedkar's independent line of thinking and action had brought about a phenomenal change in the status of Depressed Classes and how it had infused confidence in them and awakened the caste Hindus. Jayakar commended the work done by Dr. Ambedkar at the Round Table Conference and also at the time of the Poona Pact, and appealed to the Depressed Classes to afford their loyal support to their great leader.
Asked followers to discontinue the habit of celebrating his birthday: The last meeting organized by the Jubilee Committee was held at Kamgar Maidan, Parel, Bombay, under the Presidentship of Acharya Donde, the Chairman of the Celebration Committee, when Ambedkar was presented with a purse of Rs. 880. In reply Ambedkar asked the mammoth gathering to discontinue the habit of celebrating his birthday; for, according to him, a society which idolised and raised a mere man to the level of God was set well on the path of destruction. No one, he observed, was endowed with superhuman and divine attributes and one rose and fell through one's own efforts.
Appointed in Executive Council: News came in the third week of June 1942 that the Viceroy was about to expand his Executive Council. Among the probable names were Sir C.P. Ramaswami Iyer, Sir Muhammad Usman, Dr. Ambedkar, Sir J.P. Srivastava, Sir Jogendra Singh, M.N. Roy, Jamnadas Mehta and Sir Shanmukham Shetty. On July 2, names were announced and excepting the last three all were included in the Executive Council making the strength of Indians 14 as against 5 Europeans. Ambedkar's appointment did not become a subject of hostile criticism. Ambedkar had an opportunity to create a record by becoming a Judge of the High Court where he could have weighed the winning arguments from those persons who had turned up their noses at him in the High Court. But he let it off. Ambedkar received hundreds of congratulatory letters and telegrams from prominent and leading public men.
Attend a dinner given at the Radio Club: Ambedkar immediately left for Delhi on July 5, to attend a meeting of the National Defence Council, and returned to Bombay on July 11. On his return, Ambedkar attend a dinner given by his friends and admirers at the Radio Club, Bombay. Ambedkar said that he was born of the poor, was brought up among them, lived among them, had slept like them on the damp floor covered with sack-cloth, and shared the sorrow of his people. He promised to remain absolutely unchanged in his attitude to his friends and to the rest of the world, and added that the doors of his house in New Delhi would always remain open to his friends. The next day the Independent Labour Party and the Bombay Municipal Labour Union held a meeting to congratulate their leader. At another meeting held at R. M. Bhat High School, Bombay, by the Peasants of Konkan District and States Ambedkar declared that he would never surrender in the battle he would have to wage for protecting and advancing the interests of the working classes of India. As a reception given by Mahar Panchayat, Ambedkar related vividly how he had planned in his boyhood to run away from Satara to Bombay to become a mill-worker and how his plan to steal the purse of his aunt had failed.
All-India Depressed Classes Conference of Nagpur: The All-India Depressed Classes Conference was scheduled to meet on July 18 and 19. Ambedkar along with N. Shivraj, the President-elect of the All-India Conference of the Depressed Classes, reached Nagpur at 9 on the morning of July 18. A mammoth crowd of 40,000 people gave a thundering ovation to their chosen leader and to the President-elect. Leaders from the Punjab, Bengal and Madras had come to attend it. The Conference began its session at Mohan Park in Nagpur in a very spacious pandal. As Ambedkar rose to speak, he was cheered vociferously by the vast conference of 70,000 persons. He reviewed the situation in reference to the claims of the Depressed Classes from the days of the RTC to the Cripps proposals and described the Cripps proposals as a great betrayal of the Depressed Classes.
Women's Conferences: Ambedkar addressed two more conferences at Nagpur in the same pandal. The one was the Depressed Classes Women's Conference, which was held under the Presidentship of Mrs. Sulochanabai Dongre of Amraoti. He was a believer, Ambedkar said in women's organization. The conference was an indication of the extent of awakening among the women of these down-trodden classes and was a tribute to its leaders like Mrs. Indirabai Patil and Mrs. Kirtibai Patil. The women's conference demanded abolition of polygamy and urged institution of pensions and leave with pay for women workers. On his return from Nagpur, Ambedkar attended the last of the series of receptions held by the Depressed Class women of Bombay under the Presidentship of Mrs. Donde. He advised educated girls not to go in for marriage with the young men of higher classes. In the end, he expressed satisfaction that the women of the Depressed Classes, especially the Mahar ladies, were more advanced from the viewpoint of politics than the Maratha, Bhandari or Agari women.
Gave an interview to a representative of The Times of India: Prior to his departure for Delhi, on the evening of July 27, 1942, Ambedkar gave an interview to a representative of The Times of India, Bombay, when he described a Gandhi's all-out open rebellion as both irresponsible and insane, a bankruptcy of statesmanship and a measure to retrieve the Congress prestige that had gone down since the war started. It would be madness, he proceeded, to weaken law and order at a time when the barbarians were at the gates of India for the mastery of India. The British vis-à-vis Indians were in the last ditch; and if democracy won, no one could stand in the way of India's independence. Latter he also called Gandhi an old man in a hurry.
Spoke on "Indian Labour And War": The Labour Member made a very thought-provoking speech on "Indian Labour And War" on November 13, 1942, from the Bombay Station of All-India Radio. He observed that this was not altogether a war for the division of the world's territories but also for a revolution which demanded a fundamental change in the terms of associate life between man and man and between nation and nation. It was a revolution which called for the revision of the terms of associated life - a replanning of the society. So labour must fight for victory over Nazism, which, if successful, would end in Nazi order under which liberty would be found to be suppressed, equality denied, and fraternity expunged as a pernicious doctrine.
Paid a visit to Surat: In December 1942, Ambedkar wrote in response to an invitation by the authorities of the Pacific Relations Committee a Paper on the problem of the Untouchables in India for the session of the Conference to be held in December 1942 at Quebec. N. Shivraj read it at the Conference. In it, Ambedkar lamented that although slavery, serfdom and villanage had vanished in different countries, untouchability existed in India. The Paper appealed in the end to the American people not to be misled by the Congress Hindu propaganda and asked them to get themselves satisfied that the Hindu war of serfdom would not be the enemy of the freedom of millions of men who were regarded as Untouchables in the land. On January 17, 1943, Ambedkar paid a visit to Surat where he addressed a Civil Pioneer Rally. Stressing the need for military training, he told the rally that when Indians would get Independence it would be the trained soldiers and civil pioneers who would help to defend the Independence against aggressors. From Surat Ambedkar came down to Bombay; and in the evening was given a reception by the Maratha and communities at the R.M. Bhatt High School.
Gandhi, Ranade and Jinah: Ambedkar was invited to Poona to address a meeting on January 19, 1943, on the occasion of the birth anniversary of Ranade, India's patriot and reformer. Ambedkar went to Poona and delivered one of the most important speeches in his life. Ambedkar held that Ranade was a great man not only by the standard of his time, but was a great man according to any standard. Ranade's life was nothing but a relentless struggle against social injustice, social evils and for social reforms. Ranade struggled to create rights, to vitalise the conscience of Hindu society which had become moribund and morbid, and to create a social democracy. Ambedkar compared Ranade with Gandhi and Jinah and opined that it would be difficult to find two persons who would rival Gandhi and Jinah for their colossal egotism. This speech was published in book form entitled Ranade, Gandhi and Jinah.
The third meeting of the Standing Labour Committee: The third meeting of the Standing Labour Committee, set up during the term of his predecessor, Sir Firoz Khan Noon, by the Tripartite Labour Conference, met at the Bombay Secretariat on May 7, 1943, under the Presidentship of Ambedkar. One of the important proposals that came up for consideration was the question of setting up Joint Labour Management Committees at least in factories and industrial units employed in war work. Such Committees were established in the U.S.A. and the United Kingdom. The second question was the establishment of an Employment Exchange. This was to be done in the interests of labourers, so that the skilled and semi-skilled labour technicians that were being trained out under different schemes should not be thrown out in the streets; they should find avenues of employment. On May 10, 1943, the Bombay Presidency Committee of the Indian Federation of Labour gave in Bombay a tea-party in honour of the Labour Member, Dr. Ambedkar. In a critical examination of the aims and diffused strength of the Labour organizations.
World suffered from three diseases: On the same day he addressed the Maharashtra Chamber of Commerce, Bombay. In the course of his address he said that the world was sick of war and suffered from three diseases. The first was imperialism of one nation over another, the second was the color bar, which must be tackled and solved in some manner, so that peace might not be disturbed any more, the third was poverty. The way out to equalise the position between nations was to make a weaker country strong. Recalling them how the representatives of the English and European nations humbled themselves before the Peshwas, he remarked that the reason why the European nations adopted an attitude of superiority towards the oriental nation was in his judgement, their potential economic and industrial strength.
Demands of Labours: The session of the Tripartite Labour conference under the presidentship of the Labour Minister, Dr. Ambedkar was held at New Delhi on 6th and 7th September, 1943, when in a very impressing and very appealing speech Ambedkar defined the demand of the Labour for food, clothing, shelter, education, cultural amenities and health resources. A resolution to set up a missionary to investigate questions of wages and earnings and to collect material on which to plan a policy of social security for Labour was adopted. Ambedkar had now some satisfactions that he could add to the representation of the Depressed Classes in the Central Assembly as well as in the Council of States. Enumerating the benefits he had secured since his taking office, he told in November 1943, in New Delhi, the leaders and workers of the Depressed Classes that he had secured 8 1/3 percent appointments in Government posts, reserve seats for technical education of the Depressed Class students in London and one more seat in the Central Assembly and got one created in the Council of States.
Government facilities for Depressed Classes: The Standing Labour Committee met again at Lucknow on January 26, 1944, under the chairmanship of Ambedkar. From there Ambedkar proceeded to Kanpur where the annual session of the Scheduled Castes Federation was held on January 29. N. Shivraj, the president, said that the Depressed Classes were not against the transfer of power provided the demands of the Depressed Classes set forth at the Nagpur Session in July 1942 were conceded. In his address to the mammoth gathering Ambedkar declared that the Government of India must be shared by the Hindus, Muslims and Untouchables; and if the Depressed Classes did not get a proper share in the conduct of the national Government, they would launch a struggle to achieve that object. He advised the students to take the fullest advantage of the facilities offered by Government for studies in technical and higher fields and appealed to the young leaders not to misunderstand the old leaders who had been fighting with invincible courage, unflagging energy and unswerving faith.
Amendment Bill: In April 1944, Ambedkar took another step towards battering the lot of labourers. He moved an Amendment Bill proposing holidays with the pay for industrial workers employed in perennial factories. At the end of August 1944, Ambedkar visited Calcutta. There he was presented with an address by a number of Scheduled Castes Organisations. Replying to the address, Ambedkar said that the new constitution would make India a Dominion. Ambedkar then visited Hyderabad, Deccan. Speaking at a meeting there, he forcibly reiterated his new stand that the Depressed Classes were a separate element. He declared that the Depressed Classes also did not lag behind in their love for India's freedom; but they wanted the Independence of their community along with the independence of the country. Ambedkar then proceeded to Madras. On his arrival in Madras, he received a memorandum from the Tamil Nadu Depressed Class Christian Association. It stated that since they were drawn from the Depressed Classes, their social and economic position was the same as that of their brethren from the Hindu fold. It further observed that the caste Christians continued to remain their caste even after conversion and ill-treated the Depressed Class Christians. The Missionaries did not in any way try to curb the attitude of the caste Christians. The Memorandum, therefore, appealed to Ambedkar to redeem them from the slavery at the hands of caste Christians and other communities.
Arrived at Madras: On September 22, 1944, Ambedkar was presented with an address by the Madras Municipal Corporation at the Rippon Building. Members of the Congress Municipal Party were conspicuous by their absence. Relying to the address, Ambedkar said that he was not opposed to a National Government or Swaraj of independence. In the evening Ambedkar was presented with an address by the Andhra Chamber of Commerce. The address was glad to note that Ambedkar had given a new orientation to the attitude of the Government towards labour and added that its main feature was the development of mutual understanding of the viewpoints of the employees and the workers and the Government. Immediately after this function, the Labour Member, Dr. Ambedkar, was entertained at a tea-party by Kumararaja Sir Muthiah Chettiar on the lawns of "Chettinad House".
Political life of ancient India: Next evening, the M. and S. M. Railway employees, belonging to both the Scheduled Castes and non-Scheduled Castes, presented the Labour Member with addresses. In reply Ambedkar said that he was happy to see that in Madras for the first time workers of both the sections had joined together in a meeting and told them that they must stand together to put an end to their poverty. On the morning of September 24, he addressed a public meeting held under the auspices of the Madras Rational Society at the Prabhat Talkies. In the course of his speech he said that no country in the ancient past had such a tremendous and dynamic political life as the ancient Indians. India had been a land of revolutions in comparison to which the French Revolutions would be only a 'Begatelle' and nothing more.
Discussion with E. V. Ramaswami: In the afternoon Ambedkar spoke at a luncheon party given in his honour by P. Balasubramanya Mudliar at Hotel Connemara. Analysing the causes of the downfall of the non-Brahmin Party, he said that many of them tried to become second class Brahmins and it occurred to him that they had not abandoned Brahmanism which they were slavishly aping, and holding to its ideal. He stressed the need for a good leader, good organization and a clear-cut ideology for the non-Brahmin Party. In the evening, Ambedkar was presented with addresses at the Memorial Hall, Park Town, by different Scheduled Castes Federations and the South Indian Buddhists' Association. During his stay in Madras, he had long discussion with E. V. Ramaswami, leader of the Justice Party, on the political problems in Madras. Ambedkar then went to Ellore where he was presented with addresses by the District Scheduled Castes Federation, Christian Federation, the West Godavari District Board and the Ellore Municipal Council.
Geeta and Vedas: In the last week of November, Ambedkar attended in Poona a function held in his honour by Rajbhoj. Speaking at the function, Ambedkar said that every religious book written in olden times was also a political book; and the Geeta must be considered a political book aimed at upholding the teachings of the Vedas and raising Brahminism to a supreme position. In the first week of January 1945, Ambedkar visited Calcutta. Performing there the inaugural ceremony of the People's Herald, a weekly organ of the Scheduled Castes. During his stay at Calcutta, Ambedkar dined at D.G. Jadhav's place; the next morning the cook and all servants of this Railway Conciliation Officer, who himself hailed from an untouchable caste, refused to serve at his place as Ambedkar, an Untouchable, had dined with him! And yet Ambedkar was the Hon'ble Labour Member of the Chief Executive Council of India!
Second edition of his book Thoughts on Pakistan: Ambedkar took out the second edition of his book Thoughts on Pakistan under a new title Pakistan or Partition of India, adding one more chapter to the book. Although he admitted the cultural and geographical unity of India and stated how two or more than two nations lived under one constitution in Canada, Switzerland and South Africa, he said that Pakistan should be conceded for a sure defence of free India and for the sentiments of the Muslims who wanted to be nation. The Hon'ble Labour Member was entertained at a party given in his honour by a group of friends at 'café Model', Bombay, on May 20. Speaking on the occasion, he said that it was better for India to prefer Dominion Status to Independence if they could not retain it. Dominion Status, according to International Law, meant perfect sovereignty.
What Congress And Gandhi Have Done To The Untouchables : In June 1945 another major work by Ambedkar appeared in the market. Its title was What Congress And Gandhi Have Done To The Untouchables. Polemic in its violence, vigorous in its style, powerful in its appeal, replete with a wealth of convincing statistics and an array of forceful arguments the book burst upon the Congress Party like a bombshell. The main thesis of the book was that the advertised Harijan uplift work of the Congress Party, since the Congress adopted it in 1917 as one of its planks, was actuated more by the desire to prevent the Depressed Classes from appearing as a separate element in the national life than by the desire for the actual removal of disabilities of the Untouchables. criticizing the work of Gandhi, Ambedkar paid a rare tribute in this book to Swami Shradhanand by praising him as the greatest champion of the Untouchables. In the most important part of the book Ambedkar warned the Depressed Classes to beware of Gandhi and Gandhism. According to him Gandhism was nothing but return to the village life, a return to nature, to animal life and anathema to the modern age of machine. Having no passion for economic equality, it was a reactionary philosophy from both he social and economic points of view, blazing on its banner the call for return to antiquity. If there was any ism, he further observed, which had made full use of religion as an opiate to lull the people into false beliefs and false security, it was Gandhism. So he warned the untouchables to be on their guard against the inroads of Gandhism. In the end the book uttered a warning to the radicals in America and Britain to beware of the Indian Tories who were misusing the slogan of liberty to befool and befog the world. It declared that to Gandhi removal of untouchability was a platform and not a programme of action and so Gandhi was not the liberator or emancipator of the untouchables. The book is dedicated to an English Lady with whom the Author Ambedkar had studied the Bible during his London days.
Addressed the Students' Union of the Tata Institute of Social Science: The Labour Member was back in Bombay for a while. During his stay he addressed the Students' Union of the Tata Institute of Social Science in the last week of July 1945. He declared that the compulsory conciliation or arbitration was a great advantage to Labour and hoped to make that principle a permanent feature of the Labour Code. He added that he hope to retain all the Technical Training Schools started by the Government of India as part of the educational system of the country. In the last week of August, the Standing Labour Committee met at New Delhi and discussed rules for the industrial housing, employer's responsibility and holidays with pay. Ambedkar presided over the deliberations. On October 4, Ambedkar started the election propaganda at a meeting in Poona where he stressed three points.
Seventh Indian Labour Conference: Ambedkar returned to New Delhi. There he presided over the Seventh Indian Labour Conference which met on November 27, 1945.in his presidential address he observed: "Labour may ask the moneyed classes a pertinent question saying 'if you do not mind paying taxes to meet the expenditure on war, what do you object to raising funds when their purpose is to raise labour standard?' how many uneducated persons could have been educated and how many sick persons could have been restore to health, if the money spent on war had been spent on public welfare?" The Scheduled Caste Federation with greater vigour now launched the election propaganda. To give an impetus to their election work, they held a Provincial Conference at Ahmedabad on November 29 and 30, 1945. Govind Parmar presided. Ambedkar went to attend the Conference. Leaders of M. N. Roy's Radical Democratic Party, the Communists and the Hindu Sabha also met him at the station. All mills were closed.
Conference of Buddha nagar, Sabarmati: Addressing the conference in a spacious pandal called Buddhanagar on the bank of the Sabarmati, Ambedkar told the vast crowd that whatever benefits they were enjoying had been secured by him and not by Gandhi who had sought the help of Muslims to oppose their demands. On November 30, the Ahmedabad Municipality presented him with an address. Replying to the address, he declared that if drastic action had not been taken by Government in August 1942, India would have been overrun by the Japanese and Germans. He thanked the Municipality for the honour it had done him and said the treatment it had given him on the occasion stood in glaring contrast - he would not say cruel contrast - do that of his own Bombay City Corporation which had refused to include in its agenda a resolution for presenting an address to him.
Conference of the Regional Labour Commissioners: Ambedkar inaugurated the Conference of the Regional Labour Commissioners at the Bombay Secretariat in the first week of December 1945. In his inaugural address he said that three things were necessary to mitigate or prevent industrial disorder, namely, machinery for conciliation; secondly, an amendment of the Trade Dispute Act; and third, minimum wage legislation. He said that the first was already in operation, and he hoped to put forth proposals for the remaining two before long.
Conference of the Scheduled Castes Federation at Manmad: Ambedkar immediately went to Manmad to address a Conference of the Scheduled Castes Federation. There he declared that his efforts in securing an agreement with the congress for several years on the rights of his people has failed and there was no alternative but to capture all seats reserved of them. He then addressed a meeting at Akola and proceeded to Nagpur where at a public meeting on December 13, he demanded a blueprint from the congress about the self-government that was to ushered in. he explained how the Congress campaign for the removal of untouchability had proved an utter failure and cited how during his recent visit he could have only a distant view of the famous Jagannath temple at Puri from the terrace of a neighbouring house.
Tour of Southern India: Ambedkar then made a tour of Southern India to give a fillip to the election work of his Party in that Province. At Madras he described the Congress election Manifesto as a humbug as it said nothing about the future constitution. He next visited Madura and made an election speech. Proceeding to Coimbatore, he declared at a public meeting there that the coming election would determine the constitution of the country and reiterated his demands for guaranteed presentation in the Legislature and Executive services, for sufficient money for education and provision of lands in villages. Some newspapers and leaders criticized Ambedkar for abusing his position as Member of the Executive to further the cause of his Party at public expense.
Addressed a gathering of the South Indian Liberal Federation: On his way back, Ambedkar addressed a gathering of the South Indian Liberal Federation at the Memorial Hall, Park Town, Madras. In the course of his speech he traced the growth and power of the Congress Party and said that the Liberal Party led by Gokhale was regarded by the people as an ineffective organization. The Revolutionary Party could capture the imagination of the people, but few people were prepared to sacrifice like them. The strength of the Congress Party lay in the fact that it had Gandhi as its leader, who appealed to the political minded as well as to the religious minded people. He advised the Justice Party to have a leader, a programme and discipline for the success of their Party. He then inaugurated the Second Annual Conference of the non-Brahmin Lawyers' Association in the same Hall. In the course of his speech he made a violent attack on the Manusmriti and other Hindu scriptures. This speech evoked a furious storm among the caste Hindus in Southern India, and angry Hindus showered on him letters, which were full of filthy abuse, unmentionable and unprintable, and full of dire threats to his life.
Talk with British Parliamentary delegation: Immediately after his Madras speech, he returned to New Delhi. In the first week of January 1946 arrived in New Delhi the British Parliamentary delegation of ten members. During their stay in New Delhi they interviewed Ambedkar, Jinah and Nehru on January 10. Their talks with Jinah lasted two hours. Two hours after their talk with Jinah eight members of the delegation had a 90-minute talk with Ambedkar. Then came the turn of Jawaharlal Nehru. The delegation had important talks with other leading politicians in the country. They visited some places, surveyed India in their own way for four weeks, and returned home on February 10, 1946.
Sholapur Conference: Immediately after his interview with the British delegation, Ambedkar returned to Bombay on January 13, 1946, and left for Sholapur. There he was presented with an address by the District Local Board and the Municipality. He thanked both the institutions for their good work for the uplift of the Scheduled Castes and made a touching reference to Dr. Muley, the ex-President of the Municipality, 'with whose co-operation he had started his public career twenty years ago'. It may be recalled here that Dr. Muley had helped him to conduct a hostel at Sholapur for the Depressed Class students. Addressing a public meeting at the place, Ambedkar declared vehemently that if the Scheduled Castes Federation candidates were not returned, he would surrender to the Congress, wear a white cap and work under the Congress!
Speech before Delhi Scheduled Castes Provincial Federation: At the end of January Ambedkar returned to his Delhi Headquarters. On February 4, he made a speech before the Delhi Scheduled Castes Provincial Federation and said that the constitution, which did not receive their approval, would not be binding on them. He then left Delhi and addressed several meetings at Satara, Belgaum and other places urging his people to elect the Scheduled Castes Federation Candidates he sounded a warning to the Congress leaders that if they would make it impossible for them to hold their meetings, they would also make it impossible for them to hold their meetings peacefully.
Presented with a purse by the Scheduled Castes of Bombay: On his return to Bombay, he was presented with a purse by the Scheduled Castes of Bombay. Admission to the meeting was by tickets. In the course of his speech he urged his people to see that in a free India they also were citizens. The Scheduled Castes, he stated, were not asking for a territorial division like the Muslims. What they wanted was equal rights and no patronage. If the Congress felt that their demands were not just then let the matter be referred to an impartial International Tribunal. He said he was prepared to abide by the verdict of the Tribunal.
Conference of Scheduled Castes Federation in Agra: Just before this speech of Ambedkar, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel had declared that the first concern of the Congress Ministries would be to destroy the very roots of untouchability by force of law. He said that Ambedkar's aspirations for his community were legitimate, but his ways were wrong. Though the Harijans, he concluded, had been benefited by the Poona Pact, Ambedkar continued abusing the Congress Party and Gandhi. There was a series of letters in the Press by educated man from the Scheduled Castes in reply to Sardar Patel, stating how the Poona Pact had proved a curse to them. Working for fortnight in his Delhi office, Ambedkar attended a conference convened by the U.P. Scheduled Castes Federation at Agra on March 10, under the presidentship of N. Shivraj. Ambedkar declared at the conference that if Swaraj meant conducting Government by majority with the co-operation and consent of the minorities, he would welcome such a Swaraj.
Bharat Bhushan Printing Press burnt by Congressmen: On his arrival in Bombay, Ambedkar found the atmosphere tense with excitement. There were disturbances in the City between his adherents and the caste Hindu Congressmen. As a result of this clash, the Bharat Bhushan Printing Press conducted by his son had been burnt down. He was apprised of the occurrences by the secretary and other Members of Federation. Ambedkar called a meeting of the Working Committee of the Scheduled Castes Federation at Rajgriha, Bombay, in the first week of June 1946. By a resolution it denounced the British proposals of 16th May as mischievous and threatened to resort to direct action if the wrong done to the Scheduled Castes was not rectified. It condemned the heinous acts perpetrated by the goondas of the Congress persuasion on persons of Scheduled Castes as a result of which the Printing Press of Ambedkar was burnt down. He then went back to New Delhi. The Viceroy was to set up a caretaker Government; so the Members of the Executive Council bade goodbye to the Viceroy in the third week of June 1946. It may be noted here that Ambedkar had proved himself an efficient and purposeful Labour Member.
Foundation of People's Education Society and Siddharth College: He founded the People's Education Society, which started a college on June 20, 1946, and it has proved to be one of the leading colleges in India. The fears and prophecies of friends failed, and he succeeded collecting funds and attracting a group of capable and willing workers on the staff. The name of the college is Siddharth, which is one of the names of Lord Buddha. Ambedkar returned to Bombay on June 25 when the Scheduled Castes gave a great ovation to their leader at the Bombay Central Station. The Scheduled Castes leaders and workers made a black flag demonstration in front of the Congress pandal and demanded an explanation from the Congress leaders as to their rights and presentation in a free India.
Who Were The Shudras?: Ambedkar's book "Who Were The Shudras?" was published. The book is dedicated to Mahatma Jotiba Phooley whom he regarded as one of the greatest reformer. This is the book of great erudition. A work of long patient industry and research, it presents an impressive method of arranging a catalogue of facts, and a brilliant illuminating exposition. It is the thesis of Dr. Ambedkar that the Shudras were Kshatriyas. They were Dasas and Dasyus. They were one of the communities belonging to the Solar Race. But they were degraded as the result of violent conflict between the Brahmins and the Kshatriyas. The Brahmins refused to perform thread ceremonies of these Kshtriyas and degraded them to the fourth Varna which previously did not exist.
Fearless personality: Ambedkar returned to Bombay to look after the People's Education Society. The conflict between his men and the Congress-minded men had not yet ceased. Deorukhkar, a Bombay Depressed Class leader, was stabbed to death early in January 1947 and when someone told Ambedkar at the Siddharth College, Bombay, that he should not go to his house which was surrounded by hooligans, he furiously frowned upon him and said he would not save his own life when his son and nephew and his books that were as dear to him as life itself, were in danger. At the risk of his life he returned to his residence. On February 21, 1947, Ambedkar assisted by M. B. Samarth, G. J. Mane and P. T. Borale, defended 38 accused at a General Court Martial held at Deolali. The accused, were soldiers belonging to the untouchable communities from Bihar.
States and Minorities: Meanwhile, the British Government announced that it would hand over by June 1948 the Government of India either to some form of Central Government for British India or to the existing Provincial Governments in India. It called back Lord Wovell who used his only eye to see things from the Muslim angle of vision. Ambedkar, who read the times correctly, realised that the time was ripe for him to put before the Constituent Assembly his constitutional views. He therefore prepared a Memorandum in March 1947 in which he proposed that the Scheduled Castes should have a separate electorate only in those constituencies in which seats were reserved for them and in others they were to vote jointly. The Memorandum was published in the form of a brochure under the title States and Minorities. It is a draft of the constitution, which he had prepared for the Indian Union. It is interesting and instructive to study his political philosophy and so it is given below in a nutshell.
Marx Philosophy: Ambedkar hated the orthodox Marxist who quoted Marx and Angels on every occasion. He liked new ideas, new approaches. He said that one could not lay down an ideal by a stroke of the pen. Society should always e in an experimental stage. According to him, Marx's philosophy was the satisfying philosophy to the lower order. It was a direction, not a dogma. Once he described Russian Communism as a fraud.
Emancipation of Untouchables: Ambedkar attended the third session of the Constituent Assembly, which met in April 1947. The reports of the Advisory Committee and the Fundamental Rights Committee were adopted by the Constituent Assembly. And on April 19, 1947, the Constituent Assembly declared to the world: "Untouchability in any form is abolished and the imposition of any disability on that account shall be an offence." It was the good fortune of Sardar Patel to move the Clause. It was a glorious day in the history of India when the ruling power in India declared its will to wash out the stigma of Untouchability. The world Press described this event as the freedom of the Untouchables, the day of emancipation of the outcastes, a historic act outlawing untouchability and a victory for human freedom.
Flag Committee Member: Travancore and Hyderabad states declared that they would be independent when India became a Dominion on August 15, 1947. Expressing his views on this move, Ambedkar advised the States to merge their sovereignty in the Indian Union and warned them that to be independent and to hope to get recognition and protection from the United Nations Organisation was to live in one's paradise. In the first week of July, Ambedkar gave his opinion on the New India Bill and said that Berar would revert to the Nizam as the treaty by which it was ceded to the British would lapse. Ambedkar returned to Bombay on July 3, 1947. As he was Member of the Flag Committee of the Constituent Assembly, some Maratha leaders and leaders of the Bombay Provincial Hindu Sabha saw him at his residence. He promised that he would try to put in a world in favour of the Geruva flag if there was sufficient pressure and agitation from responsible quarters. ON July 10, Ambedkar was given a send-off at the aerodrome by different leaders of the Marathas and the City Hindu Sabha leaders who handed over a Geruva flag to him when he was about to take his seat in the airplane. Ambedkar promised support if there was agitation for the establishment of that flag and with a hearty laugh asked S. K. Bole, Anantrao Gadre and others whether they expected the son of a Mahar to unfurl the Geruva flag on the constituent Assembly.
National Flag of India: The Constituent Assembly adopted on July 22, the Tri-colour flag with the Ashoka Chakra on it as the National Flag. It is said that Ambedkar put in a word, but as there was no agitation from outside for the adoption of the Geruva flag he threw his weight in favour of the Ashoka Chakra. Savarkar also had appealed to Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the Chairman of the Flag Committee, to substitute Chakra for Charkha, the Gandhian emblem. The adoption of Chakra instead of Charkha terribly pained Gandhi, who declared that he had nothing to do with the flag if the basic character of the flag had lost its Khaddar and the Charkha.
British Parliament passed the Act of Indian Independence: The British Parliament passed the Act of Indian Independence on July 15. Now the Constituent Assembly became a sovereign body. It was originally meant for the whole of India; but now it was meant for a mutilated India. Bengal was partitioned, and so many of its Members lost their seats in the Constituent Assembly. So did Ambedkar who owed his seat to Bengal. He was now chosen by the Bombay Legislative Congress Party to fill the vacancy in the Constituent Assembly caused by the resignation of Dr. M. R. Jayakar. In the last week of July, the names of the Ministers of the first Cabinet of free India were in the air. In the list the name of Muniswami Pillay of Madras appeared in the Press although Ambedkar's name was scented in it as early as June. Ambedkar was at that time in New Delhi.
Discussion between Sardar Patel and Dr. Ambedkar: Destiny was working a miracle. Congress bosses Patel and Patil had a talk on the phone about Ambedkar's inclusion in the Cabinet. The preliminaries over, Nehru called Ambedkar to his chambers and asked him whether he would join the new Cabinet of Free India as Minister of Law. He was promised that at a later stage he would be given the portfolio of Planning or Development. Ambedkar agreed. Nehru went to the Bhangi Colony to present the final list of nominees to Gandhi. He, too, nodded his assent. The Congress leaders, who were to inherit power from the Britishers, now desired rapprochement with Ambedkar and were in a conciliatory and appreciative mood. Hitherto they had neglected to utilize Ambedkar's gifts. Now they decided to utilize them for the solidification of freedom. Ambedkar, too, on his part forgot the past bickering and agreed to welcome the olive branch. Dr. Mukherjee, the Mahasabha leader, too, was invited to join the Cabinet.
Announcement of his name as Law Minister: On August 3 the names of the Cabinet Ministers were announced among which Ambedkar's name appeared. That day he was in Bombay and addressed a meeting at Chembur, Bombay, under the auspices of the Bombay Municipal Kamgar Sangh. He was presented with a purse of rupees two hundred towards the construction of a central building which he had been contemplating since 1932. As soon as it was known that Ambedkar was to be the Law Minister of New India, his friends, admirers and the Press showered their good wishes and congratulations upon his success that was a feat from dust to doyen. He was honoured in Bombay on August 6, as a Member of the Cabinet of Free India on behalf of the Bar Association.
Independence day of India: A great day dawned in the history of the world on August 15, 1947, when India became a free nation. A great force was released in Asia in the form of Indian Independence. But its happiness was marred in one respect. It was mutilated and bled and out of its ribs was taken out Pakistan, the greatest Muslim State under the sun.
Drafting Committee: On August 29, the Constituent Assembly appointed a Drafting Committee with N. Madhav Rao, Syed M. Saadullah, Sir Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyangar, T. T. Krishnamachari and two others as members and Ambedkar a its Chairman. Now law Minister Ambedkar kept a close contact with the Development of Siddharth College, his child educational institution. On September 25, he inaugurated the Parliamentary Institution of his college. In his thought provoking speech he impressed upon the building youths the need for cultivating the art of speaking. In a parliamentary Institution, he observed, success went to the man who had capacity to possess the house in a gentle or strong logical and instructive manner. In order to develop that power students must equip themselves with many things. They must enlarge their minds, their vision, their capacity to think and their ability to solve the actual problems, which the people had to face. He then dealt with the various aspects of parliamentary democracy and said that Government meant decision. Government by compromise was no Government, because they got a decision, which was neither fish nor fowl, he concluded.
The publication of the book The Essence of Buddhism by Prof. P. Narasu: In the first week of October, Ambedkar addressed a meeting of the Scheduled Castes youths in Bombay. He told them that Independence had come so suddenly that he did not have any clear line of action before him at that moment. He stressed the need for keeping the Scheduled Castes Federation intact under whatever circumstances and appealed to them to take to organization seriously. Ambedkar, for the publication of the book The Essence of Buddhism by Prof. P. Narasu. He thought that it was the best book on Buddhism that had appeared till then; and text complete in its treatment and lucid in its exposition. He praised Narasu as a social reformer and an iconoclast.
Architect of the Constitution of India: Ambedkar was now engrossed in the work of drafting the constitution. He was working almost singly and furiously, concentrating his hand, heart and head on the work entrusted to him in spite of his deteriorating health. How he worked and why he was called the chief architect of the Constitution can be seen from the speech of T. T. Krishnamachari, which he had made on November 5, 1948, in the Constituent Assembly. He invited the attention of the house saying: "The House is perhaps aware that of the seven Members nominated by you, one had resigned from the House and was replaced. One died and was not replaced. One was away in America and his place was not filled up and another person was engage in State affairs and there was void to that extent. One or two people were far away from Delhi and perhaps reasons of health did not permit them to attend. So it happened ultimately that the burden of Drafting the constitution fell on Dr. Ambedkar and I have no doubt that we are grateful to him for having achieved this task in a manner, which is undoubtedly commendable". The picture will be complete when it is noted that only Ambedkar and his Secretary were present at some of the meetings of the Drafting Committee! And the historic work was now nearing completion.
Art of speaking: In the middle of January 1948, Ambedkar returned to Bombay. During his stay, he addressed a meeting of the Elocution Prize Distribution Ceremony of the Dhobi Talao Night School, which held its function at the Siddharth College premises, he impressed upon the boys that the art of speaking in public could be developed with great efforts. He told them how the great speaker G. K. Gokhale was disconcerted while making his maiden speech, how Firozeshah Mehta developed his powers by reciting his speeches in a room fitted with mirrors where he could watch how his expressions changed and how his hands moved. He said that Mehta took great care to see that his dress and appearance were neat and impressive. He added that Churchill, the great orator, never delivered any speech without preparation.
Nathuram Godse shot Mahatma Gandhi: The traffic shocks of partition were coming one after another. Nehru confessed that the nation had to wade through an ocean of blood and tears. People showed profound disbelief in Gandhian. The congress leaders were also chilled in their beliefs. Tondon declared at one meeting that the Gandhian doctrine of absolute non-violence was greatly responsible for the partition of India. Twenty-four hours before the dawn of freedom people had stoned Mahatma Gandhi's residence in Calcutta. And crisis was capped by Gandhi's famous fast, which he started on January 13, 1948, for the reinstatement of the Muslims in their houses in Delhi, for the restoration of some Mosques to their former use and for five other reasons; and as a sequel, the Government of India was forced to pay Pakistan a sum of rupee fifty-five crores which had been loudly decried and refused. And in the midst of such an extreme gloom, confusion and disaster, Nathuram Godse shot Mahatma Gandhi on January 30, 1948. The whole country was shocked with horror at the tragic disappearance of Mahatma Gandhi. But Ambedkar a queer combination of softness and hard-heartedness, did not react. He did not utter publicly a syllable on this tragedy; nor did he issue any statement. He joined the funeral procession for a while and retired to his study.
Completed the Draft Constitution and submitted it to the President of the Constituent Assembly: In the last week of February 1948, Ambedkar completed the Draft Constitution and submitted it to the President of the Constituent Assembly. The Draft Constitution was placed before the country for opinion. Ambedkar now wanted to propose an amendment substituting the word "State" for the word "Republic" in the preamble of the draft. After the completion of the drafting work, Ambedkar badly needed rest. He came to Bombay for treatment. He felt now the need for a companion who would attend on him in his old age. In the hospital he came across Dr. Miss Sharda Kabir. Since August 1947, he had been showing grave anxiety about his health, which he said was on the downgrade. For the last fifteen days, he wrote in August 1947, he had not had a win of sleep. The nights were a nightmare to him. A neurotic pain always came at midnight and continued throughout the night. He was then taking insulin as well as homeopathic medicine. Neither seemed to give him relief. He said he must now learn to endure what appeared beyond cure. So in August 1947, he was anxious to see "what our doctors have to say."
Decision to marry for the second time: In January 1948, he complained that the pain in the leg started at four in the evening and went on the whole day. Exactly after a month, he wrote to Chitre, his friend, that his health had suddenly gone down and that he was facing relapse. He passed four nights without a wink of sleep with most excruciating pain in both the legs; and his servants had to keep awake and had to nurse him the whole night. "I have been examined," he further observed, "by two most eminent doctors who say that if my condition does not improve immediately the trouble in the legs may become chronic and incurable. I am now thinking of your suggestion of having someone to look after my health more sympathetically than I was prepared to do before. I have decided to marry Dr. Kabir. She is the best match I can find. Right or wrong the decision is made." He then called for Chitre's observations, if any.
Discussed with lieutenants about his second marraige: He informed Bhaurao Gaikwad, his lieutenant, of his proposed marriage. Although after the death of his first wife, he observed, he had resolved not to marry again , he had decided now to marry. He wanted an educated lady who knew cooking and was a medical practitioner. As it was quite impossible to find such a lady among the members of the Scheduled Castes, he chose a Saraswat Brahmin lady. He wrote to Chitre with great sorrow that one of his close colleague was sowing seeds of ill feeling between his son Yashawant and his fiancée. He added that, as he feared that postponement would open a field for wider publicity and greater opportunity for evil tongues to wag, he had decided that the event should irrevocably take place on April 15, 1948.
Married with Dr. Sharda Kabir: Desiring to Chitre to attend the marriage function, he concluded: "I feel no moral turpitude in what I am doing. Nobody can have any ground for complaint, not even Yashwant. To the latter I have given about Rs. 30,000 and in addition a house which is today worth at least Rs. 80,000. I am sure no father can do more for his son than I have done." The marriage was settled, and Dr. Miss Sharda Kabir flew to New Delhi. On the other morning of April 15, 1948, the second day of his fifty-sixth year Ambedkar married Dr. Miss Sharda Kabir, a Saraswat Brahmin by caste, at his residence at No. 1, Hardinge Avenue, New Delhi. The marriage was celebrated under the Civil Marriage Act by the Deputy Commisioner of Delhi In the presence of a new personal friends of Ambedkar who later entertained them to a luncheon.
Request to Naval Bhathena to draw a plan: During the previous four years, the thought of engaging his son in some business was gnawing at Ambedkar's mind. He wrote to his friend Naval Bhathena to draw a plan of any industry he would like to suggest for his son and nephew, so that the boys might have an honest calling as a means of living, and he might die peacefully. He pleaded to Bhathena to take the same interest which a father does in his sons and to teach them some stable business. Some business was started, but to the father in Ambedkar it proved to be a sore appointment.
Political power is the key of achievement: In the last week of April 1948, Ambedkar addressed the United Provincial Scheduled Castes Conference. In the course of his speech he said that political power was the key to all social progress and the scheduled castes could achieve their salvation if they captured the power by organising themselves into a third party and held the balance of power between the rival political parties, the Congress and the Socialists. He said he had joined the Central Government and not the Congress Party. The Congress Party was a burning house; and he would not be surprised if it was completely ruined in a couple of years. If he joined the Congress, he would be unaffected like a stone in water; but if his followers would join it they would like clods, be dissolved. Ambedkar who had once planned a book Army In India, discussed with great interest the subject with G.M.Jadhav from Baroda. Jadhav had a very large collection of books on military science and the defence problem of India. Ambedkar wanted to start a class for boys desirous of studying military science and wanted Jadhav to teach the class. He had expressed his valuable opinion on the question of the official language of India on April 19, 1947, in the Constituent Assembly in a minute of dissent. He had presented an irrefutable case for a single official language for the centre and the states. But the Constituent Assembly proposed it to differently and the warning went unheeded!
"The Untouchables" was published: In The same month Ambedkar's great book, The Untouchables was published with great irudition and forced the author has expressed the view that the untouchables where broken men and because those poor men could not give up beef eating and Buddhism, they were treated as untouchables. He traces the origin of untouchability to a time about 400 A.D. and with his profound scholarship maintains that it is born out of the struggle for supremacy between Buddhism and Brahminism. He tells his readers that the Brahmins gave up beef eating and adopted Buddhistic ways and means to regain their prestige and power which they had lost owing to the rise of Buddhism.
Introduction of Draft Constitution: The Draft Constitution was before the public for six months. At last the day dawned when Ambedkar introduced on November 4, 1948, The Draft Constitution in the Constituent Assembly. The Draft Constitution contained 315 articles and 8 schedules. Describing the Draft as a formidable document, he brought out in a grand, lucid and elaborate speech, its salient and special features, the whole assembly listening to him as one man. The whole Constituent Assembly was illuminated by the grand commentary and speaker after speaker paid glowing tributes to Ambedkar for his lucid, able, symmetrical speech and the brilliant analysis of the Constitution. Prof. K. T. Shah, Pandit Lakshmikant Maitra and T. T. Krishnamachari who was a Member of the Drafting Committee, paid him high compliments. Dr. Punjabrao Deshmukh expressed satisfaction at the excellent performance and the impressive commentary of Ambedkar on the Constitution, and said that Ambedkar would have perhaps shaped the Constitution differently if he had the scope to do so. Kazi Sayed Kamruddin congratulated him on the introduction of the Constitution and said that he was sure that Ambedkar was bound to go to posterity as a great Constitution maker. The articles of the Constitution were then discussed and adopted one by one. On November 29, 1948, article 11 was adopted declaring abolition of untouchability amidst great acclamation.
Addressed to the workers and leaders of the Scheduled Caste Federation: Ambedkar returned to Bombay on December 18, 1948 and addressed a gathering of the workers and leaders of the Scheduled Caste Federation. At Manmad, he was presented with a purse on January 15, 1949. Speaking on the occasion he declared that his people would establish real socialism in the land under the rule of peasants and workers. He also impressed upon his audience that the progress of a community always depended upon how they advanced in education.
Stayed at Hyderabad in connection with the college which he proposed to start at Aurangabad: Ambedkar then stayed for some days at Hyderabad in connection with the college he proposed to start at Aurangabad. During his stay, there, he visited the excavations in the neighbouring places, and attending a meeting of his party in the third week of January, he went back to New Delhi. In March and May 1949, he twice visited Bombay. These frequent flying arrivals in and departures from Bombay were in connection with the work of the People's Education Society and for medical advice. On May 26, The Constituent Assembly resumed its work and adjourned on June 10. On July 7, Ambedkar returned to Bombay. By now the strike launched by the Bombay Municipal Kamgar Sangh had reached a critical stage and being its President, Ambedkar was in a quandary. It is learnt that when the honourable Ambedkar expressed his desire to intervene with a view to settling the dispute, he was offered the ultimatum of resigning either the Presidentship of the Municipal Kamgar Sangh or his seat in the Cabinet. The honourable Dr. Ambedkar had to be persuaded not to quit his seat in the cabinet which position was more beneficial to the general interests of the scheduled castes in India.
Battle for National Language and the R.S.S. chief met him: A battle royal was fought on the question of the national language, and Hindi with Nagari script was declared to be the national language of India by a majority of one vote only. From July 30, The Constituent Assembly sat in a long session till October 17, with a break for fortnight in September 1949, when Ambedkar had little rest at Srinagar and returned to Delhi on October 3, 1949. In September, M. S. Golwalkar, the R.S.S. chief met him in New Delhi. During this session the Constituent Assembly concluded the second reading of the Constitution. In the first week of November 1949, Ambedkar returned to Bombay for Medical Advice and treatment and left for New Delhi on November 10.

Chief Architect of the Constitution of India

Entered the Constituent Assembly to safeguard the rights of the Scheduled Castes: The Constituent Assembly began the third reading of the Constitution from November 14. The Chief Architect of the Constitution on November 25, 1949, to reply to the debate on the reading of the Constitution. At the outset Ambedkar told he had entered the Constituent Assembly to safeguard the rights of the Scheduled Castes. On that day Ambedkar moved: "The Constitution as settled by the Assembly be passed"
Famous speech in Constituent Assembly: He delivered famous speech in Constituent Assembly, he said that the principles embodied therein were the views of the present generation, or if this was an overstatement, the views of the Members of the House. And however, good a Constitution might be, he observed, it was sure to turn out bad if those who were called to work it, happened to be a bad lot; it would turn out to be good if those who were called to work it, happened to be a good lot. Looking to the future of the country, he showed his anxiety and observed: "What perturbs me greatly is the fact that India has not only once before lost her independence but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of her own people. In the invasion of Sindh by Mohammed-Bin-Kasim, the military Commanders of King Dahir, accepted bribes from the agents of Mohammed-Bin-Kasim and refused "to fight on the side of their king. It was Jaichand who invited Mohammed Ghori o invade India and to fight against Prithviraj and promised him the help of himself and the Solanki Kings. When Shivaji was fighting for the liberation of the Hindus, the other Maratha noblemen and the Rajput kings were fighting battles on the side of the Moghul Emperors. When the British were fighting the Sikh rulers, their principal commander sat silent and did not help to save the Sikh kingdom. In 1857 when a large part of India had declared a war of independence against the British, the Sikhs stood and watched the event as silent spectators. Will history repeat itself? His anxiety was deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to their old enemies in the form of castes and creeds people had too many parties with diverse opposing creeds, he, therefore, urged the people of India to resolutely guard against the eventuality of parties placing their creed above the country or else "our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost for ever. We must be determined to defend our independence till the last drop of our blood."
Ways of maintaining democracy and attack on Hero worship: He then turned to the ways of maintaining democracy. He said that the first thing they must do was to hold fat to the constitutional methods of achieving their social and economic objectives and abandon the methods of civil disobedience, non-co-operation and satyagriha, for those methods were nothing but the grammar of anarchy. Another arose from hero worship. He observed: "there is nothing wrong in being grateful to great men who have rendered life-long service to the country; but there are limits to gratefulness. As has been well said by the Irish patriot Dannel O'Connell, ''No man can be grateful at the cost of his honour; no woman can be grateful at the cost of her chastity; and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its liberty. This caution is far more necessary in the case of India than in the case of any other country. For, in India Bhakti plays a part in politics unequalled in magnitude than the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the world. Bhakti may be a road to the salvation of the soul; but, in politics Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and eventual dictatorship."
Political Democracy, Social Democracy and Economical Democracy: The third thing people must do to safeguard the Indian Democracy was that they must not be content with mere political democracy but that they should make the political democracy a social and economic democracy. Political democracy could not last unless there lay at the base of it social democracy which recognised liberty, equality and fraternity as the principle of the life. They formed an inseparable trinity, without equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality, without liberty would kill individual initiative. With out fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. They must acknowledge the fact that there was complete absence of two things in Indian society: equality in social and equality in economic life.
Sounding a grave warning: Sounding a grave warning, Ambedkar said with great fervency:" On January 26, 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality… We must remove this contradiction at the earliest moment, or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which this Assembly has so laboriously built up." In the end he appealed to the Indians to be a nation in the social and psychological sense of the word by discarding castes which brought about separation in social life and created jealously and antipathy between caste and caste. The House listened to his forty-minute lucid, eloquent and prophetic speech spell-bound, punctuating it with cheers. Members later described it as a graphic and realistic appraisal of the political conditions prevailing in India. The next day newspapers published his speech with great joy and pride, and showered eulogies on his words of wisdom and warning.
Adopted the Constitution with its 395 articles and 8 schedules and Indian become Republic: On November 26, 1949 The Constituent Assembly, in the name of the people of India, adopted the Constitution with its 395 articles and 8 schedules. In his concluding speech Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President of the Constituent Assembly, said: "Sitting in the chair and watching the proceedings from day to day, I have realised as nobody else could have, what zeal and devotion the Members of the Drafting Committee and especially its Chairman, Dr. Ambedkar in spite of his indifferent health, have worked, (Cheers) We would never make a decision which was or could be ever so right as when we put him on the Drafting Committee and made him its Chairman. He has not only justified his selection but has added lustre to the work which he has done." The Constituent Assembly worked strenuously for two years eleven months and seventeen days. There were over 7600 amendments to the Draft Constitution, but of these 2473 were moved and disposed of.
Compared with Upali who was chosen to rehearse the Vinaya to the Buddhists convocation: A weekly of Gandhian persuasion compared Dr. Ambedkar with Upali who was chosen to rehearse the Vinaya to the Buddhists convocation that met three months after the Mahaparinirvana of the Buddha.
Hindu Code Bill

Hindu Code Bill revised and submitted to the Constituent Assembly: After his great triumph in the constituent Assembly, Ambedkar returned to Bombay by air on January 2, 1950. He was lustily greeted by his lieutenants and prominent citizens at the aerodrome. Ambedkar had now brought with him a new battle cry! It was the Hindu Code Bill, Which he had revised and submitted to the Constituent Assembly in October 1948. The Government of India had set up in 1941. A committee under the Chairmanship of Sir B. N. Rao. The Committee toured the country, heard various views and drafted the Hindu Code Bill. The Bill had been in and out of the Central Assembly since 1946. Ambedkar transformed it and parts of the Code Bill relating to joint family and women's property became a nightmare to most of the members of the Select Committee.

Hindu orthodox people opposed the Hindu Code Bill: As soon as Ambedkar touched the Code and became its spokesman, the Hindu intelligentsia was driven all over India into two camps, raising loud denunciations and singing loud praises. Traditions and Modern times were at loggerheads, sanctimoniousness was at grips with social progress, and learning was pitted against revolutionary intellect. The authority of the Shastras was invoked on both sides. On one side was Manu; and on the other was Ambedkar. Those who hated the change opposed the code on different grounds. Some argued that the Code should be taken up for consideration after the first general elections. Some shouted that it should be put it before the people of the merged areas and others cried out that it was a complete abrogation of the Hindu customs and traditions. Some pointed to the fundamental rights in the Constitution.
Addressed the second session of Siddharth College Parliament on Hindu Code Bill: Ambedkar started the war on January 11, 1950, when he addressed the second session of Siddharth College Parliament in Bombay. He declared that it would be wrong to describe the Hindu Code Bill as either radical of revolutionary. He said that the Bill, while according sanction to the new ways of progress did not oppose the orthodox practices. The purpose of the Hindu Code Bill was, he explained, to codify and modify certain branches of the Hindu Law. Dwelling upon its significance, he said that it was beneficial from the points of the country's oneness that the same set of the laws should govern the Hindu social and religious life. He further told his audience that the Hindu laws were being revised not because the Hindus were a weak people to resist its revival but for uniformity's sake. The Hindu Code was a right step towards a Civil Code. The laws should be easily understandable and be applied to all society irrespective of regional barriers. Moreover, a Hindu was free to adopt anybody from the Hindu society and he could make a will denying inheritance to his daughter.
Replied that he had entered the Constituent Assembly with the object of safeguarding: As regards, the authority under which the code was drafted, he said that the modifications proposed were based on the Hindu Shastras and Smritis. The properties were governed by Dayabhag system; the child belonged to the caste of the father under Pitrisavarna; divorce was supported by Kautilya and Parashara Smriti; and women's rights to property were supported by Brihaspati Smriti, he concluded. On the evening of 11th January 1950, Ambedkar was presented with a golden casket containing a copy of India's Constitution at a meeting at Parel, Bombay, which was convened by the Bombay Scheduled Castes Federation. Ambedkar said in reply that he had entered the Constituent Assembly with the object of safeguarding the interests of the Scheduled Castes and not with the ambition of drafting the Constitution. However, through some circumstances the responsibility for drafting the Constitution fell on his shoulders, and he was proud that his name had been associated with the framers of the Constitution, because one got such a unique opportunity once in one's life time.
Birthday Celebration: Ambedkar was honoured on January 29, by Maharashtrian institutions in New Delhi. Replying to the address, he said that the Maharashtrains were more sincere, more conscious of their duties to the nation and were ever willing to sacrifice for the cause of the nation. He was proud that two Maharashtrains were in the Central Cabinet and the Governor of the Reserve Bank, too, was a Maharashtrian. In politics, in learning and in the cause of sacrifice, Maharashtrians were far ahead, he concluded. Ambedkar was now at the zenith of popularity. It was natural that his birthday was celebrated in April on a national wide scale, and functions in connection with it were attended by eminent men like the chief Justice Chagla of the Bombay High Court. Presiding over a birthday celebration meeting at Naigaon, Bombay, Justice Chagla said that every Bhartiya citizen would remember gratefully the name of Ambedkar when he enjoyed his rights. Addressing Ambedkar's birthday meeting at New Delhi, K. Hanumanthiya, and M. P., said that Ambedkar would go down to posterity as a saviour, a constitutional authority, and a day would dawn when the people would find Ambedkar at the helm of the nation as the Premier of India.
Attacked the Godmen in Hiduism: Ambedkar now reassumed his old role of an iconoclast. Speaking at a meeting, on the occasion of the Buddha Anniversary, in New Delhi, he attacked the Godmen in Hiduism. He said that the Buddha acted as a guide and not as a god whereas Krishna said that he was the God of Gods; Christ said he was God's son and Mohammed Paigamber said that he was the last messenger of God. Except the Buddha all founder of religions claimed for themselves the role of Mokshadata (Saviour) and clamed infallibility for themselves, while the Buddha was satisfied with the role of Margadata (Guide). The religion of the Buddha was morality. In place of God in Buddhism there was morality. The propounded a s most revolutionary meaning of the "Dharma". Dharma to Brahmins was Yajnas and Sacrifices to God. In place of Karma the Buddha substituted morality as the essence of Dharma. The social gospel of Hinduism was inequality whereas Buddhism was for equality. The Geeta upheld Chaturvarna, he added.
Buddha and the Future of His Religion: In his article entitled "Buddha and the Future of His Religion", which he contributed to the Mahabodhi Society journal for its May number, Ambedkar summarised his thoughts on Buddhism as follows: (1) The Society must have either the sanction of law or the sanction of morality to hold it together. Without either the Society is sure to go to pieces. (2) Religion, if it is to function, must be in accord with reason, which is another name for science. (3) It is not enough for religion to consist of a moral code, but its moral code must recognise the fundamental tenets of liberty, equality and fraternity. (4) Religion must not sanctify or ennoble poverty. According to him Buddhism fulfilled these requirements and so among the existing religious Buddhism was the only religion which the world could have. He felt that the propagation of Buddhism needed a Bible and opined that the majority of the Bhikkus of the day had neither learning nor service in them.
Invited to the Buddhist Conference at Colombo: After this stormy speech in New Delhi, Ambedkar came to Bombay on May 5, 1950. Asked whether he was initiated into the Buddhist fold, he told a representative of the Janata, a weekly conducted and edited by his son, Yashwantrao Ambedkar, that he was definitely inclined to Buddhism because the principles of the Buddhism were abiding and were based on equality. He, however, made it clear that he had not embraced Buddhism, nor had he given any message to his followers to do so. On May 19, Ambedkar went to Hyderabad in connection with the college, which he was about to start at Aurangabad. During stay in Hyderabad he declared that he had been invited to the Buddhists Conference at Colombo convened by the Young Men's Buddhist Association. While in Hyderabad, he addressed a meeting at the Boat Club where he said that secularism did not mean abolition of religion.
Went to Colombo to observe Buddhistic Ceremonials and rituals: Accompanied by his wife and his Party Secretary Rajbhoj, Ambedkar reached Colombo by air on May 25, 1950. On his arrival at Colombo, he told the pressmen that he had come there to observe Buddhistic Ceremonials and rituals, and to find out o what extent the religion of Buddha was live thing. At Kandy, Ambedkar declined to address the Conference in its representative capacity and even showed disapproval of some of the resolutions passed by the Conference. He, however, urged a declaration on the part of the Buddhistic Conference stating that they were determined not merely to have a fellowship but they would propagate the religion and make sacrifices for it. Ambedkar addressed the delegates of the Young Men's Buddhist Association at Colombo 'On the Rise and Fall of Buddhism in India.'
Visited Trivendrum and Madras: Ambedkar then addressed the meeting in the Town Hall at Colombo and appealed to the Untouchables there to embrace Buddhism. He told them that there was no necessity of their having a separate organization. He also urged Buddhists in Ceylon to accept the Depressed Classes in Ceylon and look after their interests with paternal care. The Conference over, Ambedkar visited, on his way back, Trivendrum and Madras. Addressing a meeting at the Legislative Chamber at Trivendrum, he declared that constitutional morality was far more important than the constitution, and added that if democracy was to succeed in India, both the people and the Governments should observe certain moralities or conventions. Ambedkar then discussed general principles of the Hindu Code Bill at the State guesthouse with the Chief Minister, Advocate-General, eminent lawyers and retired judges from Kerala. During his stay in Trivendrum Ambedkar was taken round some of the temples in the city and after observing minutely everything about temples and the Brahmin priests he exclaimed: "O What a waste of health and food!"
Modern Hinduism was nothing but a branch of Mahayana Buddhism: On his arrival in Bombay, Ambedkar addressed a meeting on July 25, under the auspices of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In the course of his speech he refuted the charges that he was an opportunist with regard to his views on Buddhism. He said that he had been interested in Buddhism ever since his boyhood. At the same meeting Dr. V. M. Kaikini said that modern Hinduism was nothing but a branch of Mahayana Buddhism with some special beliefs, rituals and caste system added to it. Ambedkar returned to his headquarters at New Delhi. In the middle of August and September he visited Bombay for eye treatment. During the September visit he made a speech at the Buddha Temple, Worli, on September 29. In the course of his speech he said that in order to end their hardships people should embrace Buddhism and added that the present Hinduism was the same about a thousand years earlier. It was nothing but Buddhism. But after the Mohammedan invasion and on account of other causes it lost its purity and was mixed up with dross. In the end he declared that he would devote the rest of his life on the revival and spread of Buddhism in India.
Introduced Representation of the People Bill in Parliament: Ambedkar went back to Delhi. He had concentrated his tremendous energies on the Hindu Code Bill, which was on the anvil. Ambedkar returned to Bombay at the end of October for medical treatment. In November he returned to Delhi. And circularized among the Members of Parliament a 39 - page booklet containing the nature and scope of the changes in the Hindu Code Bill, which was revised by the Law Ministry in the light of representations from various Hindu organizations in the country. It was then hoped that the consideration of the Hindu Code Bill would be taken up sooner but even in December 1950 it was not taken up. In December the Law Minister introduced in Parliament the 'Representation of the People Bill, 1950', to provide for the qualifications and disqualification for membership of Parliament and State Legislature, the conduct elections and for other cognate matters.
Made speech before Buddha Vihar at Worli, Bombay: On December 22, Parliament adjourned till February 5, 1951, and Ambedkar returned to Bombay. In those days most of his visits to Bombay were either in connection with the work of the People's Education Society or for health reasons. On January 14, he made a speech before the Buddha Vihar, at Worli, Bombay. He stated that Buddhism flourished for over 1,200 years in India. During the same week he was to have been presented with a purse by the Dock workers in Bombay. But he could not attend that function as he was suffering from pain in his leg. The purse was received by R. R. Bhole on behalf of the leader.
the battle on the Hindu Code Bill: The day for the battle on the Hindu Code Bill dawned and all opponents rallied. The Bill had aroused widespread and bitter controversy. Social reactionaries raised a hue and cry in the name of religion. Political opponents of the congress drummed that there was no mandate from the people on the issue and therefore, it was unwise on the part of Government to rattle the bill through Parliament. Others opposed the Bill on the plea that the times were inopportune to press forward that controversial legislation while there were some who foresaw the break-up of Hindu society if the Bill was passed in that form. The Congress was ramified into sections over this issue. Premier Nehru had vehemently declared, on his return from America, that his Government would resign if the Hindu Code Bill was not passed by Parliament. Another boss of the Congress Party, Sardar Patel, had declared his unmistakable opposition to the Bill and said that it would not be taken into consideration at all. Up to now Nehru seemed to throw his weight in favour of the Bill; and Sardar Patel and Dr. Rajendra Prasad were against.
Introduced the Hindu Code Bill: Amid such atmosphere, Ambedkar introduced the Hindu Code Bill on February 5, 1951. Ambedkar said that the Hindu Code would be uniform throughout India. As regards the Sikh objection, he replied that "the application of the Hindu Code to the Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains was a historical development and it would be too late, sociologically to object to it. When the Buddha differed from the Vedic Brahmins he did so only in matters of creed, but left the Hindu legal framework intact. He did not propound a separate law for his followers. The same was the case with Mahavir and the ten Sikh Gurus. The Privy Council had as early as 1830 laid down that the Sikhs were governed by the Hindu Law."
The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Women: The debate continued for three days, and the consideration of the Bill was postponed to the next session, which was to meet in September 1951. About this time Dr. Ambedkar wrote an exhaustive article "The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Women" in the journal, the Mahabodhi, Calcutta. It was a reply to an article in the Eve's Weekly in which the writer had charged the Buddha with being the man responsible for the downfall of women in India. Ambedkar vehemently attacked the article and said this was an oft-repeated, grave and vile charge leveled against the Buddha. According to Ambedkar, the passage on which the writer had based his conclusions was a later interpolation by the Bhikkus who were Brahmins. The Buddha did not shun women or express any disdain for them. Before the advent of the Buddha, woman was denied the right to acquire knowledge which is the birth right of every human being and she was denied the right to realize her spiritual potentiality. This was a cruel deal for women. By admitting woman to the life of Parivrajaka (an ascetic) the Buddha, but one stroke, removed both these wrongs. He gave them the right to knowledge and the right to realise their spiritual potentialities along with men. It was both a revolution and liberation of women in India which allowed them liberty and dignity. Manu, the greatest opponent of the Buddhism wanted to protect the house against the invasion by Buddhism so he put women under restraint and heaped many inequalities on them. Thus it was Manu and not the Buddha, he included, who was responsible for the decline and fall of women in India.
Laid foundation stone of Ambedkar Bhavan: Ambedkar, outside his library, was a beehive of opposition and storms. While laying foundation stone of Ambedkar Bhavan in New Delhi, he made a violent attack, in the middle of April 1951, on the Central Government accusing the government of apathy towards the rights of the scheduled caste.
Represented the Representation of the People Bill to Parliament: When Ambedkar returned to Bombay at the end of April 1951, circles close to him said that the only reason why he remained in Government was his passionate desire to pilot the Hindu Code Bill through Parliament before the general elections. After returning to New Delhi in May the Law Minister presented the Representation of the People Bill to Parliament. During the course of his 90 minutes speech he resolved doubts and disputes with a patient explanation or disconcerting repartee.
Delivered broadside against Hinduism on the occasion of the Buddha Jayanti celebrations: In May again Ambedkar delivered another broadside against Hinduism on the occasion of the Buddha Jayanti celebrations in New Delhi. In the course of his speech he attributed all the vices of the Hindus such as violence, immorality and corruption in Government offices, to deterioration in Hinduism and declared that real salvation for India would come when the people embraced Buddhism. This meeting was presided over by the Ambassador of France and it was attended by almost all Ambassadors in Delhi.
Foundation stone of the new building for the college at Aurangabad: In July and August Ambedkar was busy with his educational activities. He had started a new college at Aurangabad and the foundation stone of the new building for the college at Aurangabad was laid a few days later, on September 1, by the President of the Indian Republic, Dr. Rajendra Prasad who paid a glowing tribute to Ambedkar for his erudition and for his zeal in spreading education among the poor classes. He commented highly the ends and ideals of the People's Education Society.
Wrote to Nehru about Hindu Code Bill: He wrote on August 10, 1951, to Prime Minister Nehru that his health was causing anxiety to him and to his doctors and before he put himself into the hands of his doctors. He was anxious that the Hindu Code Bill should be disposed of. He therefore asked Pandit Nehru for a higher priority by taking it up in Parliament for consideration on August 16, so that it would be completed by September 1. He further observed that the Prime Minister knew that he attached greater importance to that measure and would be prepared to undergo any strain on his health to get the Bill through. Prime Minister Nehru wrote in reply on the same day that he should take things easy and as there was opposition inside and outside to Hindu Code Bill the cabinet had decided that it should be taken up at the beginning of September 1951. Accordingly Nehru himself urged in the first week of September at the meeting of the Congress Parliamentary party for a speedy disposal of the Hindu Code Bill. It was the last session of Parliament. The majority in the Congress Parliamentary party were against the measure and wanted to put off the consideration till the new parliament.
Congress Party meeting decided to take one part of Hindu Code Bill: The Bill was not taken up in the first week of September. Just then it was decided at the Congress Party meeting that one part of Hindu Code Bill, the Marriage and Divorce should be taken up on September 17, and the other clauses relating to property would be taken up later if time permitted. September 17, dawned. Strong police pickets posted round the Parliament buildings were fully engaged with rival groups of excited women demonstrators in the morning when Parliament began consideration of the long awaited Hindu Code Bill.
Nehru suggested the Divorce and Marriage part of the Bill should be treated as a separate Bill: The women Members described the Bill as a testament of their faith in the Constitution. While discussions were going on in Parliament on the Hindu Code Bill, Nehru lost his grit and suggested a compromise that the Divorce and Marriage part of the Bill should be treated as a separate Bill. So, on September 19, Ambedkar announced in Parliament that since the exigencies of time would not permit the House to legislate on any more than part II of the Hindu Code Bill during that session, the second part would stand as a self-contained Marriage and Divorce Bill. Ambedkar made a fighting speech on September 20, in which he referred to the story of Rama and Sita, which created an uproar in the House and alienated public opinion. The uncalled for attack on Rama and Sita and the pungent desperate tone worsened the situation and alienated more than most Members. Ambedkar brought hornets nest around his ears, and some of the bees stung Nehru who lost his grit completely and in confusion asked Ambedkar to drop the Bill.
Clause 4 of the Hindu Code Bill was adopted: On September 22, the debate on clause 4 came to an end. On September 14, the debate was resumed. On September 25, clause 4 of the Hindu Code Bill was adopted by the House without enthusiasm or protest and the galleries ebbed out as other Bills came up for consideration. Even the Marriage and Divorce Part of the Hindu Code Bill could not be complete. The Bill was let down in a tragic manner and in the words of Ambedkar "It was killed and buried, unwept and unsung after four clauses were passed."
Resigned the seat of Law Minister: Ambedkar's disappointment was sore. He was gruff and grinning. The news of his resignation flashed in the newspapers. He resigned his seat from the Cabinet on September 27. In his letter of resignation letter he wrote to the Prime Minister: "For a long time I have been thinking of resigning my seat from the Cabinet. The only thing that had held me back from giving effect to my intention was the hope that it would be possible to give the Hindu Code Bill before the life of the present Parliament came to an end. I even agreed to break up the Bill and restricted it to Marriage and Divorce in the fond hope that at least this much of our labour may bear fruit. But even that part of the Bill has been killed, I see no purpose in my continuing to be a Member of your Cabinet."
Left the Parliament House: He, however, as a matter of civility to the Prime Minister and to the Cabinet, expressed his willingness to continue till the Bills and motions standing in his name were finished for which he pleaded priority. Nehru appreciated his hard labour at the Bill and said that the fates and the rules of procedure were against the Bill. He agreed to accept his resignation from the last date of the current session and asked for a copy of his speech in advance. In reply Ambedkar informed the Premier on October 4, that if he prepared a speech he would give him a copy and stated that he had obtained permission of the Deputy Speaker to make his statement on October 11, after the business standing in his name was finished. Ambedkar continued in office till after the Dassera Holidays. Parliament resumed work on October 11, 1951. There was no question hour on that day. The Delimitation Orders were taken first. After that work the Deputy Speaker called on H. K. Mahatab to move the Industries Development and Regulation Bill. It was at this juncture that Ambedkar rose to submit that he should be heard first. But he was surprised when the Deputy Speaker told him that he would have been allowed to speak then if he had earlier submitted a copy of his statement to the Chair. The Deputy Speaker added that he should, however make his speech 6 p.m. Upon this Kunzru and Kamath inquired if it did not amount to pre-censorship. In answer to a query the Deputy Speaker said that as he was the custodian of the rights and privileges of Parliament, it was necessary for him to see that the statement contained nothing irrelevant or libelous. He then turned to Ambedkar and continued: "Hon'ble Minister…" But he was cut off by Ambedkar who retorted that he was no longer a Minister and he did not intend to submit to that kind of dictate. He collected his papers and left the House in protest. Thus the Chief Architect of the Constitution was made to leave the House as soon as he resigned his seat from then Ministry!
House welcomed next day as Leader of Opposition: Most Members were unhappy at this turn of events. They were very anxious to hear Ambedkar. They applauded him as he went out. Section 128 of the rules of procedure does not specially mention that the Speaker should be in possession of an advance copy of the statement of a Minister who resigns and wants to make a statement. The Deputy Speaker said at 6 p.m. that he would have permitted Dr. Ambedkar to read his statement even if he had still chosen not to submit a copy of his statement in advance for scrutiny. Members, however, were at a loss to understand how pre-censorship, if necessary at 10.15 a.m., became necessary at 6 p.m. at 6 p.m. The next day the House welcome Ambedkar back to its fold as "leader of the opposition".
Gave statement to newspapers: Ambedkar gave his statement to the newspapers immediately after his walk out. In it he stated five points on which he differed from the Cabinet. He explained how Nehru left him out of every Cabinet Committee although he had promised Ambedkar the Planning Department, when he offered him Law Ministry. The second point was the charge leveled against Government that it had apathy towards the Scheduled Castes uplift. He differed from Government policy over Kashmir and said: "The right solution for the Kashmir issue is to partition the State. Give the Hindu and Buddhist parts to India and the Muslim part to Pakistan as we did in the case of India." The fourth point was the wrong foreign policy of India, which increased enemies rather than friends. Owing to that wrong foreign policy India had spend Rs. 108 crores out of Rs. 350 crores of her revenue on Army. He added that that colossal expenditure India had to foot because India had no friends on whom she could spend for help in any emergency that might arise. The last point was Nehru,s lukewarm policy towards the Hindu Code Bill and it was his impression that Prime Minister Nehru, though sincere, had not the earnestness and determination required to get the Hindu Code Bill through. It was thus clear, he said, that he went out not as a sick man but a very disappointed man; for, he said, he was the last man to abandon his duty because of illness.
Met to the Executive Body of the Scheduled Castes Federation: The Executive Body of the Scheduled Castes Federation met in the first week of October 1951 at New Delhi to consider the election manifesto meticulously drafted by their leader Ambedkar. The Scheduled Castes Federation declared that it would have no truck with the congress, the Hindu Mahasabha or the Reds in election.
Opened an election front against the Congress Party: He addressed a meeting at Jullunder in the last week of October. There he declared that there was no place for the Scheduled Castes in the heart of the Congress Party and added that Nehru suffered from Muslim mania and his heart was pitiless to the Scheduled Caste. A few days later Ambedkar addressed a meeting of Lucknow University students and warned the country against indifference to the backward classes. He said that if they were frustrated in their attempts to rise to the status to equality, the Scheduled Castes Federation might prefer the Communist system and the fate of the country would be doomed. Ambedkar then returned to his permanent adobe in Bombay on November 18. When he arrived in Bombay. The Scheduled Castes Federation and Socialist Party at the Victoria Terminus gave him a joint reception. After this colourful reception, he was taken in procession to Siddharth College, which was his residence during his stay in Bombay. On his arrival, he took to organizing his party for election purposes. He immediately opened an election front against the Congress Party and at the meeting at Chowpatty, Bombay, declared that it was Subhas Bose who won independence for India and not the Congress Party. Next evening he addressed a meeting held under the joint auspices of the Scheduled Castes Federation and socialist Party in the Sir Cowasji Jehangir Hall, where he declared that the Congress Ministries had failed to give people pure administration. He expressed his sore disapproval of the statement of Nehru, who as the President of the Congress had declared that Corruption in India was not such a great evil as should demand great attention.
Asked Nehru to join the Socialist Party: Ambedkar addressed a meeting at Nare Park, Bombay and told his people that the Congress was not looking into the welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes. At a mass meeting attended by about 2,00,000 of people at Shivaji Park, Bombay on November 25. He asked Nehru to join the Socialist Party and lead the country. He impressed upon the mammoth audience the need for an Opposition Party to build the nascent Democracy in India and keep the ruling party in check. Ambedkar in his vehemence against the Congress Party made a speech before the Muslims of Bombay, impressing upon their made the importance of separate electorates. This speech was lamented by many of his sympathisers who said that it was unbecoming of the Father of the Constitution.
Defeated in Elections: The Congress Party was the oldest and the best-organized party in the country. Their election preparations had been going on for months together methodically and energetically. Besides it was a ruling Party. Ambedkar could not do much in the direction of organizing his party and owing to his failing health, could not go outside Bombay for election propaganda. For the past ten years he was not in close touch with his organization, as he had to stay in Delhi as Labour Member and Law Minister. He had no correct idea of the strength and efficiency of his Party and that of the Socialist Party. The elections to Parliament and to the State Assemblies were held in the month of January 1952. The election tide flowed with Nehru and Ambedkar together with the Socialist Party was swept away at the polls, Ambedkar getting 1,37,576 votes. More than 50,000 votes, which were to be cast for the reserved seat, were purposely wasted. It was a colossal failure and Ambedkar fell like a rocket. His vociferous lieutenant Rajbhoj who was elected to Parliament and his young lieutenant B. C. Kamble who was elected to the Bombay Legislative Assembly, were the only survivors in the election debacle. Immediately after the polling, Ambedkar had left for Delhi. Ambedkar was in Delhi when the results of the Bombay elections to the House of People were declared. The political atmosphere was sad and full of surprise at Ambedkar's defeat.
Elected in the Bombay State in the Council of Sates: Ambedkar filed towards the middle of March 1952 his nomination to one of the 17 seats allotted to the Bombay State in the Council of Sates and he was declared elected at the end of the month. In April his birthday was celebrated as usual by his people. Literate people, who had a grudge against Ambedkar for his caustic speeches against the Congress Party and Hinduism, told his ignorant people in the villages that the great Doctor was done up and had now receded back from Delhi to Bombay; but there too, he could not hold his own and was routed! He had run out his role, they told his people mischievously; and the poor people snarled at these cheap calumniators. Ambedkar had many things to do in connection with his educational activities. He went to Aurangabad to attend a meeting of the People's Education Society concerning the college at Aurangabad.
Gave explosive speech on the Budget: He then went to Delhi to attend the session of the Council of States, which opened in the last week of May 1952. There in a explosive speech on the Budget he described the defence budget as being the greatest stumbling block in the path of the progress of the country. At this juncture Ambedkar appeared in the Supreme Court on behalf of the Zamindars of U.P. in connection with the U.P. Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act. Then came the news that Ambedkar was to receive the Doctorate of Laws at Columbia University convocation on June 5. In fact he was to have received the Degree at the hands of General Eisenhower, who was then President of the University, but Cabinet responsibilities and later electioneering came in the way of the trip.
Columbia University conferred the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws: From New Delhi he returned to Bombay on Saturday, May 31. At night, he was felicitated at a dinner party at the Cricket Club of India, Bombay, by Dr. V.S. Patankar, Principal and K.V. Chitre, Registrar of the Siddharth College. Ambedkar left Bombay for New York by a T.W.A. flight on June 1, 1952. A large gathering of his followers and admirers gave him a send-off at the Santa Cruz airport. On June 5, the Convocation was held. Columbia University conferred on six persons the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. While awarding him an honorary degree of Doctor of Laws, at its 198th Commencement exercises, the University hailed Ambedkar "as a framer of the Constitution, Member of the Cabinet and of the Council of States, one of India's leading citizens, a great social reformer and a valiant upholder of human rights". Ambedkar received the degree before a large crowd assembled to watch 6,848 graduates of Columbia's 17 schools and colleges receiving their degrees. Ambedkar returned to Bombay on June 14. The next day in an interview to the press he said that it was his impression that the American public was favourably inclined towards Pakistan. On inquiries he was told in America that this happened because Pakistan always took great care in the selection of her foreign representatives and ambassadors while India sent abroad inexperienced men to represent her.
Criticized the organizers of the Building Fund: On September 28 Ambedkar addressed a meeting of the Scheduled Castes organizations at Nare Park, Bombay when he publicly criticized the organizers of the Building Fund and asked the organizers to submit accounts immediately. He said to his people that he had lost faith in the educated men of his community and pinned his faith on the illiterate. He was in an angry mood so much so that when in his ten-minute speech someone whispered on the rostrum, he roared: "I will not tolerate this. Give me the accounts tomorrow." This speech caused a flutter among his lieutenants. The Building Fund was started in 1931 and the collection was then incomplete. Ambedkar left for New Delhi in the week of November and returned to Bombay in December. On December 16, 1952, he addressed the students' annual gathering at Elphinstone College on "the problems of modern students". He appealed to the students to recognize university education to meet the requirements of the modern world, and to make the University a place for knowledge and not a centre for training clerks.
Spoke before Annual Gathering of the Students of the Rajaram College: In December 1952, the members of the Poona District Law Library invited Ambedkar to unveil the portrait of L. R. Gokhale and declared open the collections of the books donated to the library. Ambedkar unveiled the portrait and declared open the new sections of the library on December 22, 1952, at Poona and addressed the gathering on the "Conditions Pre-important for the Successful Working of Democracy." Ambedkar left for Kolhapur and on December 24, 1952 addressed the annual gathering of the students of the Rajaram College. In the course of his speech he observed, "Knowledge is the foundation of a man's life and every effort must be made to maintain the intellectual stamina of a student and arouse his intellect". He asked the students to develop their thinking power and make use of the knowledge they had gained. Dr. Mrs. Savita Ambedkar distributed the prizes.
Gave speech to Women of Kolhapur on Hindu Code Bill: Women of Kolhapur were gathered in there thousands to present an address to Dr. Ambedkar. Replying to their address, Ambedkar referred to the Hindu code Bill and said that none of the prominent Indian women leaders were really interested in the social progress of women and stated that the Hindu Code Bill was now just like milk spoiled by mixture with a bitter acid. He added that if they wanted to have the Hindu Code Bill passed, they should find two fat women to fast! Addressing a rally of 50,000 people under the auspices of the Belgaum District Branch of the scheduled Castes Federation, Ambedkar sounded a note of warning to the ruling party that if the lot of the Scheduled Castes was not improved by the next election, the Scheduled Castes Federation would be forced to take stern measures which might upset the chariot of the Government and anarchy might follow.
Osmania University conferred the degree of Doctor of Literature : On January 12, 1953, Osmania University, Hyderabad-Deccan, conferred on Ambedkar the degree of Doctor of Literature honoris causa, in recognition of his eminent position and attainments. To this University alone in the whole of India went the honour of recognising the eminence and excellence of the scholar and Chief Architect of the Constitution of India. In February 1953, Ambedkar was present at a reception given in New Delhi by Rajbhoj in honour of M.R. Murti, Vice-President of the Indo-Japanese Cultural Association in Japan. Speaking on the occasion, Ambedkar said that he had come to the conclusion that the generation or future generations would have ultimately to choose between the gospel of the Buddha and the gospel of Karl Marx. He added that the East had already become more important than the West but he feared that if Buddhist Gospel was not adopted, the history of conflict in Europe would be repeated in Asia.
Addressed a meeting of the Hyderabad SCF workers and leaders : In May, Ambedkar delivered in Bombay a grand eulogy on Buddhism and reiterated his faith in and dedication to the propagation of Buddhism. Ambedkar was fully engaged in the work of his colleges in July and August. For most of the days in July and August, he stayed in Aurangabad. There he addressed a meeting of the Hyderabad Scheduled Castes Federation workers and leaders in which he said that politics was not the be-all and end-all of the nation's life. He urged them to study diligently the Indian Problem in all its aspects, political, social, religious and economic and then flight with one accord for the salvation of the downtrodden. At this meeting he sounded a note of warning to his people that he would ex-communicate those who would make pilgrimages to Hindu places of worship. he said it did not do them any good.
Spoke on Andhra State Bill: Andhra State Bill was come to discuss in State Council. While speaking on the Bill in the Council of States on September 2, 1953, Dr. Ambedkar criticized Government for its vacillating policy on the formation of linguistic states. Ambedkar Home Minister Katju for having made no provisions in the Bill to safeguard the rights of the Scheduled Castes against the tyranny, oppression and communalism of the majority. He regretted the lack a provision in the constitution investing the Governors of the States with special powers for the protection of the interests of minorities. He observed, "We have inherited a tradition. People always keep on saying to me, 'Oh you are the maker of the Constitution’. My answer is I was a hack. What was asked to do, I did much against my will."
Declared that he will be the first man who will burnt out constitution: At this there were serious interruptions which added to the heat and acerbity of the debate; and tempers ran high. One Member fanned the fire in Dr. Ambedkar, taunting him with the statement that Ambedkar had himself defended the constitution; and Home Member Katju stirred the ember by saying that Dr. Ambedkar himself had drafted the Constitution. To the first charge he replied: "We lawyers defend many things." Referring to the second, he said, "You want to accuse me of your blemishes." Then he burst out explosively: "Sir, my friends tell me that I made the Constitution. But I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burnt it out. I do not want it. It does not suit any body. But whatever that may be, if our people want to carry on, they must remember that there are majorities and there minorities; and they simply cannot ignore the minorities by saying: 'Oh, no, to recognize you is to harm democracy.' I should say that the greatest harm will come by injuring the minorities. I fear sometimes that if the minorities are treated in the way in which they are being treated in our Bombay State - I do not want to be prochial, I do not know what will ultimately happen - I do not even like to call myself a Maharashtrain; I am fond of Hindi, but the only trouble is that Hindi-speaking people are enemies of Hindi." Ambedkar indeed a virulent attack on the Constitution. Ambedkar however, seemed to be retrieving his position when next week Government itself unassumingly made incursion on the Constitution. He severely criticized the Government for resorting to Article 356 of the Constitution to continue President's rule in Pepsu and said that such action would besmear the name of the Government. Shortly after, the special Marriage Bill came up for discussion. The method of dealing piecemeal with the Hindu Law was a dangerous thing and it would create more chaos than reform. Ambedkar warned while speaking on the special Marriage Bill in the Council of States. Speaking on the Estate Duty Bill on September 18, 1953, in the council of states, he warned the Government of India that the yield from Estate Duty might not be commensurate with the cost of collection and administration of the Estate Duty Law.
Satyagraha Launched for Securing Waste Lands in Marathwada: Ambedkar withdrew in the third week of November 1953 the Satyagraha launched by the Scheduled Caste Federation for securing waste lands in Marathwada. He did this in view of the good response to it's demands for land. About 1,700 Satyagrahis were arrested and 1,100 were released unconditionally. Ambedkar however expressed his regret for the action of some of the satyagrahis who had cut down trees during the agitation. The bitter attacks on the Government by Ambedkar had the desired effect and it published in the last week of December 1952, a Bill entitled "The Untouchability (Offences) Act, 1953" and later introduced in the year 1954.
Inauguration of 'Mahatma Phooley' Marathi Picture: Ambedkar's health again deteriorated and for over two months he was under close treatment at Hotel Mirabille in Bombay. Although bedridden, he performed the inaugural ceremony of Atre Pictures Marathi offering 'Mahatma Phooley' at the famous studio in Bombay on Sunday, January 4, 1954. On the previous Sunday, Ambedkar had inaugurated the convention of the All India Sai Devotees at the St. Xaviers College Grounds, Bombay. In his Inaugural speech he said, "Our religion today has neither god nor Morality. I have no doubt that this a very degenerated state of Human Mind and it is a task for the future generation to restore religion in the purer and nobler form." He added that in his day in India there was no religion except the worship of idols, whether they were Sadhus, Saints or Miracle makers. He said that in its original form religion was a matter of Personal Salvation of mans soul and in its second stage it meant the maintenance of Human Brotherhood based on moral rules governing the conduct of Human Beings towards each other. In its third stage, man worshipped those personalities who satisfies the wants of their lives and in its last stage they worshiped a person who performed Miracle. The money collected in the name of Saints should be utilized, he concluded, for hospitals, education, establishments of small-scale industries for the helpless and the widows. At the outset he declared that he was not a follower of Sai Baba nor had he any opportunity of meeting him.
Lost his seat in by-elections: In the middle of March 1954, he went to Delhi to attend the session of the council of the States. But he soon came down to Nagpur in the last week of April 1954, to contest the reserved seat in a by-election to the house of the People from the Bhandara constituency. He supported Asoka Mehta's candidature as he was a better candidate. In the first week of May 1954, the by-election took place; and although Ambedkar got 1,32,483 votes, he lost his seat by 8,381 to the Congress Harijan Candidate. Asok Mehta was, however elected to Parliament against the Congress Candidate. On the eve of the results of this by-election Ambedkar left by plane for Rangoon to attend Buddha Jayanti Celebrations. On August 26, 1954, he made a very thought provoking speech on foreign policy and reminded the members of the cartoon by Low in which foreign Ministers of Europe were depicted as dancing and singing 'Oh! Give us peace without principles.'
Personal Philosophy: On September 6, 1954, while speaking on the report of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Ambedkar launched a bitter attack on the Government's Policy towards the untouchables and the attitude of the caste Hindus. He was opposed to the amendment of the Constitution every Saturday, but he suggested amending it to bring all wastelands within the purview of the Central Government. While speaking on the Untouchability Offence Bill on September 16, 1954, Ambedkar said that the evil could not be eradicated unless a minimum sentence of imprisonment was provided. On October 3, 1954, All-India Radio Broadcast a speech of Dr. Ambedkar in the series "My Personal Philosophy" "Every Man," he observed, "should have a philosophy of life, for everyone must have a standard by which to measure his conduct and philosophy is nothing but a standard by which to measure." "Negatively," he went on "I reject the Hindu social philosophy propounded in the Bhagvad Geeta based as it is on the Triguna of the Sankhya Philosophy which is in My Judgment is Cruel perversion of the philosophy of the Kapila and inequality the Law of the Hindu Social Life."
Presented a purse of Rs. 1, 18,000: Positively my social philosophy, he continued may be said to be enshrined the three words: Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. Let no one however say that I have borrowed my philosophy from the French Revolution. I have not. My philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science I have derived them from the teachings of my master, The Buddha. On October 29, 1954, Ambedkar was presented with the purse for Rs. 1,18, 000 by Members of the Bombay city Scheduled Castes Federation. It had sometime back formed a committee to make preparations for the celebrations of his Diamonds Jubilee, which should have been celebrated on April 14, 1951, the presentation was made by R.D Bhandare, president of the Scheduled Castes Federation, Bombay. Dr. Ambedkar promised his men, that he would utilize the money to meet the cost of a building at Dadar to house a Hall and a Library. He declared that he would soon write his autobiography and said he believed in humility, character and knowledge. He was proud to have been born an untouchable; whatever he had achieved was entirely due the strength of his community.
Untouchability is more insufferable: Ambedkar was now sixty-three. His weak constitution could not cope with the rebellious surge in his brains to wrest and wiring from the Constitution the good, he expected for his people who were landless, shirtless, shoeless and hungry. He was painfully conscious of the fact his hopes about a better future for his people remained largely fulfilled. The story of the past life of the Scheduled Caste Hindus was pitch dark. The fate of those sixty millions people was more insufferable than that of the Negroes in that the Negroes were not regarded as Untouchables. At least the Negroes could be servants in the whitemen's houses. It is no exaggeration to say that the fate of the Israelites in Egypt, or the life of the Negroes in America or the condition of the Jews in Germany was better than the life of Scheduled Castes in India, their own land.
Sun of a Better Future Arose: It was for the first time in the history of the past twenty-five hundred years that the sun of a better future arose on their horizon. Ambedkar, the son of their soil, their kith and kin, focussed the world attention on their civic, social and political rights and liberties, made untouchability a burning topic of the day, raised it to an international importance and gave it a global publicity. His ceaseless hard struggle and his merciless hammer forced an opening for them, and inaugurated an era of light and liberty. He awakened in them a sense of human dignity, a feeling of self-respect and a burning hatred of untouchability that was worse than slavery. He pulled them out of sloughs and exorcised despondency and despair from their minds. He infused courage and new life into their demoralized and dehumanized cells. He gave them their soul and rumbaed them with a spirit, which enable them to voice their grievances and to standup for justice, equality and liberty. Before the rise of his leadership they were treated worse than animals. His heroic struggle raised them to political equality with other communities in India.
Old dilapidated walls were crumbled down: The night of shame and despair in India had passed. Old dilapidated walls were crumbled down. A new India was dawning at the foot of the Himalayas. The Untouchables were emerging from the dust. Their men were being gradually planted in administration, the police, courts, army, navy and the air force. Their progress over these past few years was not less encouraging. In their own way they also improved their habiliments, habits and sanitary conditions. Politically they were now fully conscious. They did not depend upon others for guidance and leadership. Their organizers conducted big conference and vast meetings, and their leaders have established institutions of considerable importance. But it was unfortunate that most of those men who rose from amongst the Scheduled Castes turned their back upon them. They tried to become second-class Brahmins.
The Ghost of Untouchability: The decease, however, was being cured. It was disappearing gradually. But no sensible Hindu would pretend that the Untouchable was out of it. Caste, of which untouchability was the perverted outcome, was decaying, but it was not dead. The view expressed by Dr. Ambedkar's opponents that the economic problem of the Scheduled Castes was bound up with the larger issue of poverty and employment was not fair. It was dangerous to postpone the issue assuming that once poverty was abolished untouchability would disappear. It was also felt that to bury the ghost of untouchability both economic and social regeneration programme must be taken up simultaneously. The Government should even inflict a punitive tax upon villages, which would not act up to its laws in this respect. Government should help the social reformers materially and substantially.
Believe in your Strength: The mission of Ambedkar's life was the establishment of human dignity, development of self-respect among the down trodden classes and attainment of self-salvation. In a word, it was man-making! Ambedkar was a great teacher who taught the common man to have belief in his potential power, to rouse it up, to develop it, and to stand on his own feet. Man should not think that he was a mere nobody that he was good for nothing and that he was a helpless log. His advice to the down-trodden classes and especially to young men, was exemplary. He asked them to rely on heir self, on their own efforts, to trust and exercise their own intelligence and to seek refuge in reason. To him nothing was more sacred than learning. Nature made none a slave. No man was born a dullard. He recalled to students the glorious traditions and untiring industry, high aims and high sense of public life of Ranade, Tilak and Gokhale. He related to his people the story from the Greek mythology of the Goddess Demeter who tried to develop superman's power in a child by keeping it on fire every day.
Reconstruction of Hindu Social Order: Ambedkar tried to divert the minds of the down-trodden from the thought of the life after death to their present life of degradation. Ambedkar wanted reorganization of the Hindu social order on the basis of liberty, equality and fraternity. In other words, on the basis of social equality and democracy. He demanded liberation of Hindu society from casteism and priestcraft. If the Hindus acted up to his principles, they would be a free people, a living, movable race, a moving society. According to his social philosophy, every Hindu must have the liberty to associate in all legitimate ways with his co-religionists. The Hindus must build a common social court. If they had the freedom to marry among themselves, to dine together, to work together in all spheres of life, they would become a united people and would have the ability to grow and to assimilate new members in their fold. Ambedkar was for one National language, the Hindi; one common script, the Nagari. He expected all classes to do their own thinking. It was not good for them to leave thinking to a certain section of the society, which called itself the custodian of knowledge. They should develop the ability to think over the problems, which affected their destiny, religion and country.
His attractive Personality: The evening of life added lustre to the serenity and grandeur of Ambedkar's personality. Solid, massive, grave and dynamic, Ambedkar was a thickset man with an oval face having a fierce air around it and a bald dome. He was five feet seven inches tall and weighted about one hundred and eighty pounds. His majestic forehead was an index to the height of his ambition for which even the highest position in the land, he said, would be unequal. His protruding, defying chin indicated the superb courage that saw a task through even though the heavens fell. It had a will to suspend the whole hate of hell on its bend.The challenging nose stood like a rudder to the ship of a stormy life. His eyes were penetrating and animated, but had a certain look of scepticism . but when he was enraged, through his penetrating eyes looked the bitterness of all ages and through his lips passed the embers of an Untouchable's hate. He was a Jamadagni. Yet when he was in a brighter mood, his face shone like a light-house. They who have light in themselves do not revolve as satellites.
Anger: By temperament Ambedkar was cyclonic. At the least provocation he flew into anger. A slight change in the order of his books on the table irritated him, and he would roar :" Where are the papers, the books? Who has removed them?" The doctor wife and his servants took fright. Then somebody entered the room slowly and asked him what he meant by the papers. " Is it a book or a note-book? What colour is it and what size?" Then a running search followed till the book or the note-book was found and when it was produced before him, he would ejaculate: "Oh! That is it. Where was it?" The next month his anger cooled down.
Unfit for family: It will not be far from truth if one says that Ambedkar was not a man of the family. He called himself asang, unfit for familiarity. Constant tours, continuous study and public appointments keep a great leader engrossed all the time. Naturally to his family also he comes to be a leader. Ambedkar, too, came to be a leader to his son and nephew ; so much so that he did not attend the marriage ceremony of his only son. His wife, Mrs. Savita Ambedkar, however, graciously attended it.
Sarojini described his as Mussolini and British Bulldog: The fierce air around Ambedkar's face and his industrious life were unfavourable for familiarity. There might be none around him who did not suffer rebukes at his hands at some or other. Some eminent men described him as a British Bulldog, and Sarojini Naidu called him Mussolini. His ability, integrity great learning and untold sacrifice inspired devotion and confidence. Yet his imperious life was like an empire which had lost many cities under the debris of forgetfulness and neglect.
Jai Bhim the Salutation: No doubt Ambedkar manifested interest in the welfare of those who stood by him or were loyal to his cause; but he did not show enthusiastic familiarity with or admiration for anybody. His opponents were never generous to him although they showed a sort of rapprochement; so he also was not generous to them. His truthfulness was shattering. He was harsh like truth. Like all great men, he was a dynamo of energy and used time sparingly. He had the vision of the Buddha; but humility was not conspicuous among his merits. No one had ever accused him of it. His proud self-confidence often verged on boastfulness. But the opinion he expressed about his merits he justified by the great service he rendered to the nation. No wonder then that he responded to the new way of expressing greetings introduced by his followers, by repeating 'Jai Bhim' to their salutation at the end of his letters.
His dressing: Although this was true of Ambedkar, in his relaxed mood he talked endlessly. His talks gave his visitors both entertainment and arguments. He laughed the loudest when he had a dig at somebody; and his laughter drowned even the retort of his victim. Clad in a lungi and a shirt, he then radiated joy and laughter. Besides a strong sense of humor, he had an irresistible test for country jokes and country idioms. They were all hard, rude crude, grinding and rollicking. The hearers held their sides and reveled in his quips. His humour was caustic, and often verged on rudeness, which might be a legacy of the underworld in which he passed his early life. And the relieving feature of it was that one got more jokes form him in one or hour than one got from all other politicians in five years. But there were lightning more often than sunshine. That jovial and communicating mood was gradually wearing out with his delicate health. In the evening of life he had assumed the grandeur of a colourful potentate. Before he came out to meet the visitor's announcements were made that he was ready. He wore sometimes tight pyjamas and kurta with embroidery on it; he reclining in a chair, his attendants busy adjusting cushions on which he rested his legs, and the waiting crowd whispering outside. The sweetest nuts are in the hardest shells. Though grave and fierce in appearance, Ambedkar was a fountain of emotions. The pathos of a picture made him abandon a show in the middle. When his pet dog fell ill, he inquired after its health, personally visiting the hospital twice a day, and when news came to him that the poor dog had laid its bones, he rolled in his chair like a bereaved mother, the messenger curbing his laughter with much difficulty!
True leader and friend of poor people: Once a poor woman knocked his door at two in the morning and bewailed that for nearly twelve hours, she had tried to get her dying husband admitted to a certain hospital, but to no purpose. Ambedkar took her into his car, drove to the hospital and got him admitted. Then at four in the morning he shouted at his friend, Acharya M. V. Donde, who resided near the hospital, and called for tea. He gave advice free of several occasions and conducted free of charge several cases wherein the interested of the poor were at stake.
Playing Violin: When his youngest son died, Ambedkar was so much overwhelmed with grief that he would not part with the dead body; and for days together he would not entered the room wherein his son had breathed his last. When his first wife went the way all life must go, his grief knew no bounds. He writhed with grief. He once suffered terribly from eyesore and burst into tears at the thought of losing his sight which, he said would make life impossible for him. At the last glimpse of the dead body of colleague he wept piteously at the cremation grounds. In his otherwise busy, engrossed and stormy life, Ambedkar found time in his old age to hear music for which he had a liking. It was his opinion that every man should love harmony in music and beauty in art. In the evening of his life he took lessons in playing the violin. Like Prime Minister Churchill, he drew picture and was tickled when the servants told him that the drawing were full of life! But the artist and painter in Ambedkar had to be shrewdly wooed into that mood by his servant when the Doctor wife and they thought that the Saheb was not leaving the books for days together. Nice pictures and beautiful specimen of architecture had an attraction for him. He complained that in India appreciation of art was confined to casteism. A man must be born into a caste, which followed certain art. Art suffered, he observed, because man could not follow his bent.
His House like Museum: Ambedkar's house was not a detached villa that gave you an appearance of seclusion. He vast library, his rich clothes, his enormous pens, his grand car, the numerous varieties of shoes and both and the rare collection of pictures were not a mere expression of diversion but were the living marks of his conquering personality that marched on removing all obstacles till he felt he had secured all that he was capable of wining in the world in which he lived. Big and varied types of fountain pens had an irresistible fascination for Ambedkar. Rich dress and the best cut interested him. Seemed he took a secret joy in making himself as large as possible. Yet in all other aspects of life, thrift, which was the child hard early life, had a strange over him. He did not smoke. He was a thorough teetotaler.
Went to Picture: The bookworm in Ambedkar had no time for social life. Once in a great while he went to the pictures. Uncle Tom he saw in the company of his first wife. Achhyut Kanya, a film based on the life of Untouchables, he witnessed with peculiar emotion in his eyes. In the company of his Doctor wife he saw Oliver Twist. The life of the underdog, the poor, the suppressed gave him a throb. In his boyhood he played cricket and when his first wife had been to Dharwar for a change of air, there he played cricket with the boys of the hostel which he was then conducting for the students of Depressed Classes. In the early twenties he enjoyed the game of cards and sometime had a round of bridge with great interest, and had a daily bathe in the sea, both as a diversion and an exercise.
His unbent will: Though an experts cook, Ambedkar never insisted on any particular dish. At times he took his meal in his library. When he was angry with the members of his family, he remained still like a statue, without words, without food. He them murmured that he was not a man to be associated with. Long years of strenuous struggle, the cares of the down-trodden, the maladies he suffered from and the perils which beset his way, did not leave their marks on his radiant face. He suffered for some time from appendicitis and had blood pressure. But in his declining years diabetes marred his health. His body seemed to have yielded to it; but his will was unbent. His wonderful faculties were very little impaired.
Electric treatment: Early in 1954 he underwent an electric treatment for his legs which were now unable to prop the heavy burden. With the support of the walking stick or throwing his arm on the shoulder of his private honorary secretary or bearer, he trudged on. His handwriting had an elegant style, which indicated firmness, clarity and display. He loved fine dogs and would bring one from the farthest corner of the country if his eyes fell on a charming breed. To visit Ambedkar was to visit a speaking museum. His conversation was illuminating, entrancing, vigorous and communicative. His talk ranged over many subjects, which were stored in his prodigious mental museum. He gave his listener a ride through the dark age with the lamp of history, and took him to the Pamir, the roof of the world, where his listener got a bird’s-eye-view of the world. Ambedkar gave him and interpretation of the past, reveled the significance of mythology and explained the ancient and modern philosophy, creeds and doctrines. The fascination was simply unfailing the listener enjoyed the contact with one of the greatest minds of our age.
Love Books than life: Ambedkar could recollect and describe the colour and the chapter of a book that he had read. Ambedkar’s thirst for books was ever growing and flowing like the ever-flowing Ganges. He had purchased thousands of books and had collected some rare books. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, had once offered him two lakhs of rupees for his library. Ambedkar declined the offer saying that if he lost his library he would lose his life. Nobody was allowed to touch any book in Ambedkar’s library. He once said that if ever owing to any misfortune a bailiff came to take possession of his library, he would kill him on the spot before he touched the first book. Books were the breath of his life.
Influenced by three personalities: Ambedkar bitterly wept at the thought of losing his eyesight, for then life would be meaningless. He said that he would put an end to his life if he lost his eyesight. Great was his joy whenever he wrote a book. When he saw his thoughts printed in a book, he got heavenly joy than the birth of four children. Ambedkar parted with his magnificent library for the use of Siddharth College. On irresistible appeals from the People’s Education Society, which paid him almost half the price Birla had offered for the priceless collection. Thereafter the purchase of books went on as usual and another library sprang up at 26 Alipore Road, Delhi. Three personalities influenced the life and actions of this great man. Beside the stories from the Mahabharata and Ramayana, which he heard with rapt attention in his childhood, the life of the Buddha, the teachings of Kabir and the struggle of Phooley contributed tremendously to the building to the building of his personality. These personalities gave him his soul force and Western education gave him his weapons.
Powerful speaker: Ambedkar was a powerful speaker both on the platform and in Parliament. Galvanic and embarrassingly brutal to a fault in his speech, he showered a fusillade of pistol shots at his opponents. He had not the oratory of Burke. Simple, direct and trenchant, his speech had a charm of its own. Its fearlessness was sharpened by a vast confidence and experience, which he had attained by his ceaseless study. Ambedkar’s word was law to his people. To them his words were gospel truth. They idolized him and every year they took out procession with his picture in palanquins on the occasion of his birthday.
Prohibited worshipping Hindu Gods: Ambedkar hold over his people was unshakable. One example will bear out this remark. When he prohibited his people from worshipping Hindu gods, for a time they obeyed hi literally. But custom and tradition are ingrained in blood and are not easily uprooted. Ignorance aggravates the fears of the people. So after a while the fear God got the upper hand, and a majority of them stealthily reverted to their old forms of worship.
His Mental Museum: With the support of the walking stick or throwing his arm on the shoulder of his private honorary secretary or bearer, he trudged on. His handwriting had an elegant style, which indicated firmness, clarity and display. He loved fine dogs and would bring one from the farthest corner of the country if his eyes fell on a charming breed. To visit Ambedkar was to visit a speaking museum. His conversation was illuminating, entrancing, vigorous and communicative. His talk ranged over many subjects, which were stored in his prodigious mental museum. He gave his listener a ride through the dark age with the lamp of history, and took him to the Pamir, the roof of the world, where his listener got a bird’s-eye-view of the world. Ambedkar gave him and interpretation of the past, reveled the significance of mythology and explained the ancient and modern philosophy, creeds and doctrines. The fascination was simply unfailing the listener enjoyed the contact with one of the greatest minds of our age.
His irregular routine: Before his appointment as Labour Member, Dr. Ambedkar did not a have a regular routine. In those days, he got up early in the morning, or after reading the whole night; he slept from dawn to morning and took a little exercise, his bath and then breakfast. After the newspaper reading, he took his meal and went to the court in his car, looking hurriedly into a new book, which came by the morning post. Sometimes he ate lunch at noon in a hotel if he had a case in the court. After the court business was over, he had a round in bookstall and returned home with a heap of new books; or on his way back rarely he visited the house of an acquaintance from home, he wanted to seize a rare book. Then dinner in a nook with a book; and then followed the endless reading. When Ambedkar was engrossed in reading he had no time to talk with hi visitors, or to take his dinner if he had not taken it, or to get angry with anybody. He would have a glance at his visitor and would lose himself in the book. The visitor waited, felt embarrassed and realized that it was a sin to disturb his deep concentration and profound contemplation. So he would come downstairs and leave the place. To a business magnate time is money, but to Ambedkar time was knowledge. To Ambedkar love of books was the greatest means of education and self-development, and the highest type of recreation and enjoyment. Ambedkar never read for amusement. "What instructs me," he observed, "amuse me."
Company of Books: Company of books gave Ambedkar supreme joy of life and serious aloofness. As stated above, the reading continued after dinner. Night disappeared, morning arrived, buzzing in the half-awakened buildings nearby began; still the scholar was at one with the world’s great thinkers of all ages, who were his spiritual ancestors. The dog Peter went to his feet to receive his morning patting and the scholar knew that it was morning. Ambedkar, the scholar desired to be away from the clang of the bell, clatter of the carts, stroke of the hammer and spluttering of the cars. His motto was ancora Imparo.
Thoughts on Geeta: Ambedkar did not accept the Geeta at all. To him it was an irresponsible book on ethics, a compromise of all errors. He believed in the necessity for religion. He said that a poor man mad with hunger did not resort to theft not because he feared the leagal consequences, but because of the healthily pressure his religion exercised over hi mind. He held that religion had a direct connection with the heart; and laws, hence the reason. In life, emotion played a predominant part. Hence the importance of religion in the building of man. He often said that whatever good points he had in him they were the fruit of religion.
Follower of Godless Buddhism: He was sceptical of the sincerity of the man who boasted that he had no faith in God and no belief in religion. This was a paradox for the socialists who were toadying in him politics and a poser to the followers of godless Buddhism. This faith in God he, however, unified, since he took active interest in the revival of Buddhism, with the worship of the image of the Buddha before which he knelt and said prayers morning and evenings. Some times he devoutly said that he would say his prayers to the Buddha if things took shape as he wished.

Revival of Buddhism
Rangoon Buddhist World Conference: In the early days of December 1954, Ambedkar went to Rangoon to attend the third Buddhist World Conference. His wife and his personal attendant S. V. Savadkar accompanied him. His health had not improved; still he addressed the Conference. A few minutes before his speech, he was seen visibly moved; tears streamed down his cheeks. He was moved intellectually, psychologically and spiritually. But as his speech proceeded, his face brightened. He cast a spell on the Conference with his thought provoking views on the mission and propagation of Buddhism. He said that Ceylon and Burma were in the forefront of Buddhist countries. He felt, however, that a lot of money was squandered on decoration during celebrations of Buddhist religious festivities. Grandeur had no place in Buddhism. The Burmese and Ceylonese Buddhist should spend that money on the revival and propagation of Buddhism in other countries. Ambedkar, a man of provocative learning, challenged opponents of Buddhism to hold discussions with him, and he was confident that he would defeat all Pundits. Buddhism had far-reaching effects on Hinduism, and cow protection was a victory of the Buddhist principle of non-violence, he added.
Propagation of Buddhism: Ambedkar also declared that he would propagate Buddhism in India when equipped with proper means for the task. As maker of the Constitution, he had already achieved several things to that end. He described the provision for the study of Pali language made in Constitution, the inspiration of a Buddhistic aphorism on the frontage of the imposing Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi, and the acceptance of the Ashoka Chakra by Bharat as her symbol, as his personal achievements. The Government of India had declared Buddha Jayanti a holiday mainly through his efforts. He had effected this wonderful change, he proudly stated, without any opposition; so lucid and effective was his exposition in Parliament. None of the eighteen nations, he observed, that attended the Rangoon Conference had made such progress in these matters. Besides, he had established two colleges, one at Bombay and the other at Aurangabad, where about 3,400 students were studying and where he could encourage the study of Buddhism. He appointed sadly to the fact that Buddhism had disappeared from the place of its birth. If sufficient funds came forth, it would be possible to spread Buddhism in India, for which the ground was prepared. He would achieve his goal with or without help.
Arrival of Buddha in his birth place after twelve hundred years: Soon after, Ambedkar unveiled an image of the Buddha in a newly constructed Buddha Vihara (pagoda) at Dehu Road near Poona. He had brought the image from Rangoon. On that occasion he sad that the honour of establishing the image of Bhagwan Buddha twelve hundred years after the fall of Buddhism, went to his people. It was a great event, and without doubt it would be recorded in history. He declared that he would dedicate himself to the propagation of the Buddhist faith in India. He told the gathering of 20,000 men and women that he was writing a book on Buddhism explaining its tenets in simple language to the common man. A year might be needed to complete the book; on its completion he would embrace Buddhism.
Vithoba of Pandharpur: Ambedkar also told his audience that the image of the God Vithoba at Pandharpur was in reality the image of the Buddha. He intended writing a thesis on the subject, and after completing it, he would read it before the Bhartiya Itihas Sanshodhan Mandal at Poona. The name of the God Pandurang, he observed, was derived from Pundalik. Pundalik meant lotus, and a lotus was called Pandurang in Pali. So Pandurang was none other than the Buddha. Ambedkar started writing his thesis in March 1955 at Lonavla; but it seems he wrote only about five pages.
Letter to Valisinha: The new year opened with the news that Ambedkar was going to embrace Buddhism. D. Valisinha, General Secretary of the Maha Bodhi Society of India, Calcutta, extended hearty congratulations to Ambedkar on his decision to embrace Buddhism in May 1956.
Champion of Buddhism: As Ambedkar now badly came out as a champion of Buddhism, he received several invitations from different parts of the country to address Buddhist Institutions, which were stirred at the news of his decision. A Christian Missionary, who had heard in Europe about Ambedkar's work and personality and was immensely Charmed by the sincerity and frankness of his book "What Congress And Gandhi Have Done To The Untouchables", sent forth an appeal to Ambedkar to give serious thought to the purity and rediancy of the doctrine of Christ.
Asking To Valisinha the rites of Dhamma Diksha Ceremony: Ambedkar now stepped up his campaign for the propagation of Buddhism. He wrote to Valisinha that he had prepared a formula of certain rites called "Dhamma Diksha Ceremony", which everyone embracing Buddhism would be required to undergo; for it was his confirmed belief that conversion of the laity was no conversion at all; it was only a nominal thing. Buddhism disappeared from India because of the wavering attitude of the laity which worshipped along with the Buddha many other Gods and Goddesses set up by Brahmins to destroy Buddhism. So there should be a ceremony for initiation into the Dhamma.
Maharaja of Mysore donated land: Another announcement made in the early part of the year by Dr. Ambedkar was regarding the starting of a Buddhist Seminary at Banglore to train preachers for propagating the faith in India. A plot of five acres of land was donated by the Maharaja of Mysore when Dr. Ambedkar had met him at Banglore early in June 1954. This was the result of his two visits to Burma. The World Buddhist Council and the Buddha Sasana Council had promised him financial and technical help.
Exchange of Indo-Japan Culture: The Japanese consul-General in Bombay. At the instance of the Foreign Ministry of Japan, wrote to Ambedkar inquiring about the possibility of exchanging scholars between Japan and India, whose expenses would be borne at the another end by the International Cultural Institution of Japan and at this end by the proposed Indo-Japanese Cultural Institute at Banglore, with Ambedkar's collaboration.
Medical Treatment: Since May 1955, Ambedkar's health deteriorated further and faster. On medical advice his teeth had been extracted long before. While getting up and moving about in the house, he would require support. He had also trouble in breathing. An oxygen cylinder was purchased, and he was given oxygen off and on, but this was kept a secret, as Dr. Ambedkar himself feared that his followers would take fright at this news. Later he was given warmth by a heating apparatus. Sometimes he was also given an electric bath. In the earlier stages nobody knew, except his wife and Dr. Malvankar, that he was being given oxygen. His private secretary and some close devotees were aware of the condition of his health.Though Ambedkar resisted, he was persuaded to take a nip of brandy in winter and some beer in summer with his evening meals. This was done on medical advice for the restoration of his health.
Buddha And His Dhamma completed: In the early part of the year 1956, the great book on the Buddha and Buddhism was almost completed. Ambedkar had started writing the book in November 1951. Along with this book he started writing two other books, 'Revolution and Counter Revolution in India' and 'Buddha and Karl Marx', for a proper understanding of his main work. Up to March 1956 Buddha and Karl Marx, was incomplete. It needed one more chapter, and the other book required some more chapters to bring out its full significance. But these two books were left incomplete; and the one of 'Buddha and Buddhism' was brought to completion. In the third week of December 1954, he had started writing another, the 'Riddle of Hinduism', in which he described how Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President of India, wash the feet of Brahmin priests on the banks of the holy Ganges.
Buddha and Buddhism: The Book on Buddha and Buddhism was printed at last, for private circulation, under the title 'The Buddha and His Gospel' and about 50 copies were circulated for private opinion. In February 1956 two new chapters were added to it : 'There is no God'; 'There is no soul'. On a Saturday in March 1956, he asked Rattu to come early the next morning. It seems he was writing the preface and the introduction to the book, which he had completed in February 1956. Rattu came as instructed to his master's residence. But he was surprised to see Babasaheb absorbed in writing, sitting the same chair, which he had occupied the previous night. For nearly five minutes he stood by his chair; still his master remained deeply engrossed in his work. In order to attract his attention Rattu then displaced some book on his table. At this, Ambedkar raised his head and asked Rattu whether he had not gone home yet. Rattu said he had spent Saturday night at home; It was Sunday morning, and so he had come to begin work early. "I thought you were still here and not gone home. I did not know that the day had dawned. I kept writing and did not move," said the scholar-sage. He then paid his morning devotions before the image of Lord Buddha, took a little exercise at the iron bar, drank some tea and resumed work. On March 15, 1956, Ambedkar wrote Preface to his book in his own handwriting and dictated it to Rattu.
United Maharashtra issue: Ambedkar made a fighting speech over the linguistic problem on May1, 1956. He told the House that Bombay had become the storm center of the debate on the Bill. The premier city of India, which had taught politics and civil affairs to the rest of the country, was reduced to the status of the Andamans and was returned into a Union territory. Bombay belong to Maharashtra, its original inhabitants being the Kolis. It belonged to Dowager Laxmibai from whom the Portuguese took in on lease; and later took it over. He aid he differed from other Maharashtrian who wanted Bombay to be included in Maharashtra, whereas he was against United Maharashtra. After making this speech he said it would not please all. A fortnight later he came out with another scheme suggesting two Maharashtra states divided by the lines of the Sahyadris. He, however, suggested that Aurangabad should be the capital of United Maharashtra instead of Poona or Nagpur. A talk by Dr. Ambedkar was broadcast in May 1956 from the British Broadcasting Corporation, London, on "Why I like Buddhism and how it is useful to the world in its present circumstances."
The Buddha and His Dhamma: Ambedkar was going to start soon a political party called the Republican Party. He said he moved in the matter when he felt better. He wrote to S. S. Rege, Librarian of the Siddharth College, Bombay, on May 5, 1956. "There is one urgent matter, which I want you to attend to and that is the publication of my book 'The Buddha and His Dhamma'." He said he wanted to publish his book, and the model for and the size of the book was to be that of Jeanyee Wong's "Buddha His Life And Teachings." He asked Rege to show it to Messrs. G. Claridge and Company and to get an estimate from them. "I am", observed the ailing man, "in a great hurry and I want the book to be published by September the latest. I am ready to hand over the book to the printer as soon as he is ready to proceed with it. Let me know by wire what is their quotation I want about 2,000 copies." The printing of 'The Buddha And His Dhamma' began under the supervision of Rege. The trustees of Sir Dorabji Tata Trust, Bombay, sanctioned a grant of Rs. 3,000 towards the publication of this book. In order to invigorate the democratic forces in India and to bring new blood to his proposed Republication Party, Ambedkar decided to establish a Training School for entrance to politics.
Reply to Savarkar: Early in May 1956, Ambedkar came down to Bombay, and on May 24, at Nare Park, he declared on the day of Buddha Jayanti Celebrations that he would embrace Buddhism in October 1956. In his speech he made a vitriolic attack on Veer Savarkar who had written a series of articles on the non-violence preached by Buddhism. Ambedkar with a snort of rage said he would reply to Savarkar if he knew precisely what Savarkar had to say. Savarkar's articles were, as all his writings are, reasoned, forceful and thought provoking; and his views were the views of a leader of thought.
Stated People as Sheep and himself as Shepherd: Ambedkar was stung by his cringing flatters into saying something in reply to Savarkar, when he started for the meeting and even on the dais. It seemed as if there was again a fierce debate between the leaders of Hinduism and those of Buddhism. Those alone, Ambedkar roared, who aimed at uplifting them were entitled to criticize them. He said his critics should leave him alone; let him and his people have the freedom to fall into a ditch. Ambedkar stated frankly that his people were his sheep, and he was their shepherd. There was no theologian as great as he. They should follow him, and they would get knowledge by and by.
Comparison with Moses: During his speech Ambedkar compared himself with Moses who had led his people from Egypt to Palestine, the land of freedom. According to him, there were three causes for the decline of any religion. Lack of abiding principles in it; lack of versatile and conquering orators; and lack of easily understandable principles. He also declared that he was going to built a magnificent temple of Buddha. Thus ended his last speech in Bombay. Ambedkar, a devoted student of the Bible, who possessed a huge collection of Biblical literature, was led to compare himself to Moses. Moses wanted to relieve the Israelites from forced labour and their unending servitude. Moses was brought up and educated by a princess. Ambedkar was provided with educational facilities by a Prince. Moses learnt at the University Temple of On, then a famous centre of learning. Ambedkar received his education at three world famous Universities with an inquiring, searching and acquisitive mind. Like Moses, he was strong, determined and courageous. But Moses was humbled by his respect and worship of God. Ambedkar was learning this attribute at the feet of his man-god, the Buddha, both led their people out of bondage, gave them their religion and brought them to the door steps of the Promised Land. Moses was eighty when he liberated his people, and Ambedkar was fifty-five. Like Moses, Ambedkar catalogued, expanded and interpreted the code of the laws of a nation.
His failing eyesight and weakness: From June to October 1956, Ambedkar stayed at his Delhi residence, 26, Alipore Road. In June and July, he was very depressed, almost heart-stricken. His legs could not bear the weight of his body. His eyesight was now fast failing. He could not move in the house by himself; nor could he go out in that condition. For over ten years he had not been in normal health. Drug-taking is a pernicious habit and it overpowered him. Endlessly and desperately, he tried to get medicine from this friend or that of from any other source. On receiving such medicines of herbs, his doctor-wife might not have thought it advisable to allow him to take these medicines. He had lost all hope of life.
Cosmic radiation treatment stopped by his wife: A French lady Doctor to try her treatment based on the principle of cosmic radiation, to tone up the degenerated tissues of his legs and the spine; but was pooh-poohed by his wife, she herself being noted physician. At times Ambedkar got angry with his wife and shouted, "Why should you object to others giving treatment to me, when your doctors could not cure me for these eight years?" Then he would not have his meal or medicine, and the help of his honorary private secretary or some devotee was sought to cajole him into taking his meal and medicine.
Lieutenants fought among themselves: He was lame, crippled, and sad at heart; and as he thought that he could not fulfil his mission, he sadly and bitterly wept. He wanted to make his people a governing class in his lifetime. But he was now prostrated by illness. What he had achieved was enjoyed by the educated few from the Depressed Classes; the vast illiterate masses in the villages remained almost unchanged economically. He wanted to do something for them. But life seemed to be short, and there was, he thought, no other depressed class leader who would rise to the occasion and shoulder the responsibility. Most of his lieutenants , he said sadly, fought among themselves for leadership and power.
Last incomplete work: The thought of being helpless to complete the books he had planned distressed him terribly. "The Buddha And Karl Marx", "Revolution And Counter Revolution in India" and "The Riddle of Hinduism" were to be completed and published. And nobody after him would be able to complete those books.

Great Mass Conversion

Preparation of Conversion: October 14, 1956, the day appointed for Ambedkar's going over to Buddhism was fast approaching. Hid devoted lieutenants often anxiously discussed the matter with him. In the first week of August, Ambedkar had a talk with Shankaranand Shastri, a lieutenant of unbounded devotion to Babasaheb. He told him that he would hold his conversion ceremony at Bombay, Sarnath or Nagpur. He himself preferred Nagpur, which was a historic town where the Buddhist Nagas flourished in ancient times. He would set the wheel of the Buddha's Dhamma in motion once again, spreading the message of his Master to all the corners of the world. He said that those who wished to join him were most welcome; those who did not favour conversion were free to go anywhere else they liked.
Appealed people to turn out in large number: Accordingly, he called W. M. Godbole too Delhi. Godbole was secretaty of Bhartiya Boudhha Jana Samiti established not long earlier by Ambedkar himself. Ambedkar discussed with him the arrangements to be made at Nagpur; for he wanted to make the ceremony a grand success. A general appeal to the Depressed class people was issued by the Bhartiya Bouddha Jana Samiti directing them to come in large numbers dressed in white, for the initiation ceremony.
Announced the Programme details for the Conversion at Nagpur: On September 23, Ambedkar issued a press note announcing that his conversion to Buddhism would take place at Nagpur on the Dassera Day (Ashoka Vijaya Dashami or Vijaya Dashami) October 14, 1956, between 9 and 11 a.m. Ambedkar invited the Rev. Bhikkhu Chandramani, of Kushinara, Gorakhpur District, to Nagpur, to initiate him into Buddhism on October 14. "It is our great wish", he added, "that you should officiate at the ceremony. You being the oldest monk in India , we think, it would be appropriate to have the ceremony performed by you." He expressed his desire to provide the priest with an air or train passage, and added that he would send someone to bring him from Kushinara to Nagpur.
He left Delhi for Nagpur: Ambedkar then reserved an air passage for himself, his wife and Rattu for the October 11. He wrote to Valisinha expressing his desire that Mahabodhi Society of India should participate in the function. He informed him that he had no idea of exactly what rituals there were. Apart from the customary rituals, he himself had framed an important formula of a series of vows to be administered at the time of Dhamma Diksha Ceremony either by a Bhikkhu or by some Buddhist layman. Ambedkar with his wife and Rattu left Delhi by air on the morning of October 11, and reached Nagpur at noon. Arrangements for their stay in Nagpur were made at Sham Hotel.
People came from various Provinces for Conversion Ceremony: For a week prior to this appointed day thousands of men women and children of the Depressed Classes, especially the Mahars, had been hourly pouring into Nagpur from the Marathi speaking areas of Central Provinces and Berar and Bombay by train and in buses; poor people selling their trinkets for the transport and for white sarees and white shirts, the dress prescribed by their leader. Thousand would could not find easy transport trekked hundreds of miles shouting slogans "Bhagwan Buddha ki Jai, Babasahab ki jai". They were happy like travelers going towards their homes. They were accommodated in school houses. A huge Volunteer corps guided them properly. Some ate in hotels; others cooked their food in the open. The whole atmosphere was surcharged with Buddhist piousness. Nagpur sanctified in the olden times by the resistance of Nagarjun, the great scholar leader of Buddhism, was now transformed into a holy place of great significance, historical, cultural and religious.
Replica of Sanchi Stupa: An expensive open ground of 14 acres near the Vaccine Institute at Shraddhanand Peth was turned into an enclosure. At the northern end of it stood a huge dais lined with white cloth and surrounded by a replica of the Sanchi stupa, facing two specially erected pandals on either side - one for men and the other for women. Buddhist flags consisting of blue, yellow, red, white and saffron stripes fluttered everywhere. All approaches and streets leading to the place were decorated with bunting.
Chose less harmful way: On the evening on October 13, Ambedkar held a press conference. He told newsmen that his Buddhism would cling to the tenets of the faith as preached by Lord Buddha himself, without involving his people in differences, which had arisen on account of Hinayana and Mahayana. His Buddhism would be a sort of neo-Buddhism of Navayana. When asked why he was embracing Buddhism, he said angrily: "Why can not you ask this question to yourself and to your forefathers as to why I am getting out of the Hindu fold and embracing Buddhism?" He asked newsmen why they wanted his men to remain Harijans to enjoy only such 'benefits' as those of reservation. He asked them whether the Brahmins were prepared to be Untouchables to enjoy these privileges. He said that they were making efforts to reach manhood. He also declared that he had once told Mahatma Gandhi that though he differed from him on the issue of untouchability, when the time came, "I will choose only the least harmful way for the country. And that is the greatest benefit I am conferring on the country by the embracing Buddhism; for Buddhism is a part and parcel of Bharatiya culture. I have taken care that my conversion will not harm the tradition of the culture and history of this land."
Republican Party: He predicted with a glow in his eyes that in the next ten or fifteen years the wave of mass conversion would spread all over the country and India would become a Buddhist country. Brahmins would be the last to follow, and let them be the last! Ambedkar also said that before the next election he wanted to form a political party called the Republican Party. This would be open to all who accepted its three guiding principles - liberty, equality and fraternity.
Discussion with lieutenants: On the night of October 13, there was some discussion between Ambedkar and some of his chosen lieutenants as to whether their conversion could not be put off till after the coming general elections. There was a division of opinion, and Ambedkar was terribly upset. He threatened them with dire consequences if they prevaricated and faltered. They left the hotel like bleating lambs.
The day of judgement: On the morning of October 14, 1956, Ambedkar woke up early. He asked Rattu to arrange for a hot bath and then to make sure that arrangements at the pandal were perfect. Rattu made inquiries and returned. Since early morning a sea of humanity had been flowing towards the Diksha Bhoomi. The skies were filled with the resounding 'jais' to Buddha and Babasaheb.
Before Ceremony: Dressed in silk white dhoti and white coat, Dr. Ambedkar left the hotel at eight-thirty in the morning in a car with Rattu and his wife Mrs. Savita Ambedkar. She also had put on a white saree. By now all the arrangements proved inadequate and collapsed. The huge crowds enthusiastically cheered their saviour as he reached the pandal and was taken up on the dais. He stood on the dais with staff in one hand and other hand on the shoulders of Rattu. There was thunderous applause. It was now a quarter past nine in the morning. On the dais there stood on a table a bronze statuette of the Buddha flanked two tigers and incense burning before it. Sitting on the dais were D. Valisinha, Ven. M.Sangharatna Thera, Ven. H. Sadda Tissa Thera and Ven. Pannanand Thera. The ceremony commenced with a marathi song sung by a lady in praise of Dr. Ambedkar. The vast gathering stood up for a minute and observed silence in memory of the death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar's father. Then the actual ceremony began.
Beginning Ceremony: The vast humanity of over three lakhs of men and women from all parts of the state watched the ceremony eagerly as the eighty-three-year-old Mahasthavira Chandramani of Kushinara and his four saffron-robbed Bhikkhus administered in Pali to Dr. Ambedkar and his wife, who were both bowing before the image of Buddha, the three Sarans under Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha and Panchsheel of five precepts of abstention from killing, stealing, wrongful sex life, telling lies and drink. They repeated the Pali mantras in Marathi. Then they bowed down thrice with clasped hands before the Buddha statuette and made offerings of white lotuses before it. With this, Ambedkar's entry into the Buddhistic fold was announced, and the vast concourse gave full-throated cries of 'Babasaheb Ambedkar ki jai' and 'Bhagwan Buddha ki jai'. The whole ceremony was filmed. It was now quarter to ten in the morning. On his conversion, Ambedkar was profusely garlanded by his closest devotees. D. Valisinha presented Dr. Ambedkar and Mrs. Savita Ambedkar with an image of Lord Buddha.
Given 22 Resolutions : Ambedkar then declared: "By discarding my ancient religion, which stood for inequality and oppression today I am reborn. I have no faith in the philosophy of incarnation; and it is wrong and mischievous to say that Buddha was an incarnation of Vishnu. I am no more a devotee of any Hindu God and Goddess. I will not perform Shraddha. I will strictly follow the eight-fold path of Buddha. Buddhism is a true religion and I will lead a life guided by the three principles of knowledge, right path and compassion." Once or twice, when he repeated the pledges renounce the worship of the Hindu God and when he declared: "I renounce Hinduism" the great leader seemed deeply moved his voice choked visibly as he spoke. These pledges formed by himself were twenty-two in number. He denounced Hinduism, its customs and traditions and declared that from that movement onwards. He would strive for spread of equality among human beings.
Administered his followers: Now a Buddhist, Dr. Ambedkar called upon those who wanted to embrace Buddhism to stand up. The entire gathering rose up, and he administered the three refuges and five precepts and 22 pledges to the vast gathering. They repeated in loud and joyous tones the precepts and pledges. Nearly 5 lakhs of his followers embraced Buddhism, and to use his own analogy of shepherd, he flocked them into Buddhism. He had always taunted both Christians and non-Christians, saying that to them religion was a matter of inheritance. They inherited religion along with their father's property. In fact, few religious people have studied comparative religion and hardly any have attained belief as a result of such a study. Among those who embraced Buddhism with Dr. Ambedkar were Dr. M. B. Niyogi, former Chief Justice of the Nagpur High Court, and Dr. Ambedkar's leading Maharashtrian lieutenants. Dr. Niyogi', however, said that denunciation of Hinduism as was done by Dr. Ambedkar while embracing Buddhism had no place in the original Buddhist rituals. The ceremony was over by ten to eleven in the morning.
Got Messages from great leaders and followers of Buddhism: Message welcoming the great leader and his followers to Buddhism were sent by U Ba Sway, Prime Minister of Burma, U Nu, former Burmese Premier, Dr. Arvind Barua of Calcutta and H. W. Amarsuriya from Colombo. It is very important to note that no message from any great Indian leader such as Prasad, Nehru, Dr. Radhakrishnan, C. Rajgopalachari or Dr. Rajendra Prasad was received on the occasion, not to speak of Savarkar. The next day Ambedkar initiated another vast crowd of his followers into Buddhism at the same place and said that the Scheduled Castes would not lose their rights with the change of faith. The privileges enjoyed by the Scheduled Castes under the Constitution, he observed, were the fruits of his labour, and he was capable of retaining them for his people. He reminded them of his vow taken in 1935 that "even though I am a Hindu born, I will not die a Hindu". He had fulfilled his vow and had divine satisfaction that he had come at last out of the hell of Hinduism. He did not believe in hurried action; and therefore he took more than twenty years to think and arrive at a mature decision.
Last Political Speech: While in Nagpur, Ambedkar addressed a meeting of his partymen at Shyam Hotel. He said his partymen were interested more in politics than in religion, while he himself was more interested more in religion than in politics. Here was his last last political speech. This realisation came upon him 14 years after the Independent Labour Party was dissolved. He seldom encouraged his partymen or followers to mix with other communities, except on one occasion when he asked them to shed the narrow outlook and think in terms of the welfare and prosperity of the nation as a whole. This happened when the glory and laurels of the Chief Architect of the Constitution were quite fresh!
Savarkar's views on Conversion: Veer Savarkar, who defined a Hindu as one whose fatherland and holy land is India, described the conversion of Dr. Ambedkar as a sure jump into the fold of Hinduism and declared that the Buddhist Ambedkar was Hindu Ambedkar. He had embraced a non-vedic but Indian religious system within the orbit of Hindutva, and according to him it was not a change of faith.
Buddhist's views on Conversion: According to the Buddhist view, the great conversion constituted a new chapter in the history of modern India. "Conversion was not a happy term to describe the changes because force and temptation are associated with conversion," observed a Buddhist writer. It was self-conversion and not to conversion that had come to mean giving up one's own faith and embracing something foreign, he added. Other Buddhists said that the Dhamma Chakra was set revolving by the intrepid leader; and it was the greatest religious revolution which India had witnessed in modern times.
Explanation of the cause of conversion: Next day, October 15, Dr Ambedkar was presented with an address to big crowd on the matter of their conversion into Buddhism. He explain the cause of conversion and way of Buddhism. He was presented with an address of welcome by the Nagpur Municipal Corporation at the Town Hall, where he said that the Congress had made a mess politics. If the ruling party remained in power for long the country would be in flames.
Conversion Ceremony at Chanda: On October 16, 1956, Ambedkar attended a conversion ceremony at Chanda, Madhya Pradesh where the vast gathering of the Depressed Class people repeated the pledges which he gave. Dr. Ambedkar then left Chanda by train of Delhi, listening to the reports read by Rattu that had appeared on the mass conversion in different newspapers. On reaching Nagpur, however, he and his party returned to Delhi by air. Although he looked tired and exhausted, he was in high spirits. Taking a complete rest for three days, he felt fresh and invigorated and sang songs very loudly. One of these was from Kabir. There was heared the musical tone of His Master's song on the radiogram.

Last journey
Desire to carry out conversion programme: In an exhilarating state of mind Ambedkar showed the photographs taken at the conversion ceremony to persons close to him. He expressed his desire that he would carry out conversion programmes in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Bombay. He narrated the story of the conversion ceremony to his admirers with keen and colourful interest. It was then enthusiastically arranged by the circle close to Ambedkar that he should attend although his health was poor. The world Buddhist conference at Kathmandu in Nepal. The arrangement for his stay in Nepal was made through M. Jyoti of Calcutta. Dr. Malvankar the physician in charge of his health was called from Bombay to Delhi to accompany him to Kathmandu. Ambedkar took some of the manuscripts of his incomplete books to work on them during his journey. But before proceeding to Patna from where he was to fly to Kathmandu he had to face some financial difficulties. A suit was filed against him in the Bombay high court for non payment of a big sum claimed by the contractors in connection with the extension of Rajgriha his former residence in Bombay. He went to a friend in Delhi and got some money and the remaining amount was arranged in Bombay making up Rs. 40,000/- which he had to deposit in the High Court. Mrs. Ambedkar came to Bombay, deposited the required amount and went back to Delhi. Then Ambedkar and his party flew to Kathmandu on November 14, 1956 from Patna. M.B. Chitnis, the Principal of the Milind Mahavidyalaya, Aurangabad, and B.H. Varale also accompanied him.
Attended World Buddhist Conference at Khatmandu, Nepal: The four conference of the world fellowship of Buddhist met at Kathmandu. It was inaugurated by King Mahendra of Nepal in the Singh Darbar Gallery Hall on the afternoon of November 15, 1956. The government of Nepal a Hindu state declared a holiday on November 15, 1956 and true to its Hindu tradition of over generosity to other faiths banned the exhibition of an Indian film on the life of Shankaracharya, the mighty Hindu leader who liquidated Buddhism in India. It was alleged that it contained certain anti-Buddhist scenes and as if to counteract the traditionally tolerant view taken by the king the priests in Kathmandu withdrew the recently considered right of Buddhists to enter the Temple of Pashupatinath. This declaration curiously enough co-incidence with Ambedkar's presence among the Buddhist delegates.
Difference between Buddhism and Marxism: Speaking on this occasion Dr. Ambedkar said that he had come to attend the conference to declare to the world that he found Buddhism the greatest of all religions as it was not merely a religion but a social Doctrine. As he rose to speak at this inaugural session the entire Congress gave Dr. Ambedkar a tremendous ovation. Dr. Malalasekara President of the conference described Dr. Ambedkar one month old conversion with half a million of his followers as a greatest ever religious conversion. On November 20, Dr Ambedkar was requested to make a speech on Ahimsa and Buddhism. But the majority of the delegates pressed him to speak on Buddha and Karl Marx. Accepting this subject Ambedkar expressed concern over the fate of Buddhist youngsters in Buddhist countries who looked upon Karl Marx as the only prophet for worship. He stated that the goal of Buddha and of Karl Marx was the same. Marx said that private property was the root cause of the sorrow. It resulted in exploitation suffering an enslavement. Buddha also wanted to abolish Dukkha(sorrow) and the expression sorrow was used in the Buddhist literature in the sense of property. According to the Buddha every thing was impermanent and so there was no struggle for property. The Bhikkus were not allowed to own private property. Buddha did not lay the foundations of his religions on god or soul. So Buddha would not stand in the path of abolition of private property if the Principal of the denial of private property was applied to society.
Visited the exhibition at Buddhist Art Gallery, Mathura: Mrs. Ambedkar's father, brother and Dr. Malvankar were staying with the Ambedkar family. As he was terribly exhausted, he asked Rattu to stay at his place for the night, which he led. On the morning of December 1, Ambedkar got up at 7.15 a.m. had a cup of tea and felt refreshed. In the evening he paid a visit to an exhibition held at Mathura Road, saw with great interest the Buddhist Art Gallery, came out and sat in the car outside the exhibition. Asked by a close admirer of his why the statues of the Buddha from different countries differed in features, he replied that till 600 years after the Mahaparinirvana of the Buddha, there was no picture of statue of the Buddha. Someone thereafter made a statue of the Buddha from his own imagination, and then in all Buddhist countries statues were made in accordance with the standard of beauty perevailing in those lands.
Attended 2500th Birth Anniversary of Buddha in the presence of Dalai Lama: On his way home, Ambedkar paid visit also to a bookshop at Connought Place to have a look at the new arrivals and ordered some books to be sent to his residence. On December 2 Ambedkar attend a function held at Ashok Vihar in honour of the Dalai Lama, who had come to India to attend the winter celebrations of the 2500 th Buddha Mahaparinirvana to be held at Buddha Gaya. In the evening sitting in a chair on the lawn in his compound, Ambedkar Had a chat with some of his devotees and had his supper on the lawn. After 10:30 p.m. he retired and in a short while he was fast asleep. Nest evening he felt tired and asked his attendants to keep chairs on the lawn when a group photograph was taken by Mrs. Ambedkar's brother, Balu Kabir. Sitting in the group were Mrs. Ambedkar, Dr. Ambedkar, Mrs. Ambedkar's father, K V. Kabir and Dr. Malvankar.
His compassion: After nightfall, with a staff in one hand and the other on the shoulder of Rattu, he went to inquire after the health of his mali who had been ill with fever for over three days. The old man had fever and cough; his poor wife was standing by his bedside. The mali feared that he would lose his job, and if he died in his extreme old age, his wife would be thrown on the streets, Lying in his bed with his face with his face upwards, he greeted his master with a smile and folded hands; and then he was all tears. He was overwhelmed by his master's kindness. He sighed, sobbed and said : "Bhagwan himself has blessed me with a visit. But Sir, there is no hope for my life ; my wife will have to..."and he again sobbed piteously. Soothing him, his master said : "Stop crying. Everybody is going to die some day or other. I am also to die some day. Take courage. Take medicine I am sending you and you will be all right ...." "Just see," he said to Rattu, "the poor man is afraid of death.... I am not .... Let him come at any moment !" Was Death, who had been shadowing him these two years, listening to this exclamation ?
Letters wrote to Acharya Atre and S. M. Joshi requesting to join Republican Party: Ambedkar asked Rattu to make inquiries at the Railways booking office about the reservation of some tickets for December 14 as he was to carry out a programme of conversion of his followers at Bombay on December 16, 1956. He took out from his library Marx's Das Kapital, completed the last chapter of his book The Buddha And Karl Marx and gave it for typing. On Tuesday, December 4, Ambedkar was present for a while in the Council of States and was seen in the lobby engaged in casual discussion. None thought that this would prove to be one to Acharya P. K. Atre, and the other to S.M. Joshi, both among the top leaders in opposition to the Congress Party in Maharashtra and front rank leaders in Samyukta Maharashtra agitation. The object of his writing these letters was to persuade the two leaders to join his proposed Republican Party. He also dictated a letter to M.B.Samartha, Bar-at-law, asking him whether his brother's bunglow would be available for his stay in Bombay.
5th December, 1956: Although Ambedkar and his party were to start for Bombay on December 14, 1956, the arrangement was changed; and Mrs. Ambedkar's father, her brother and one Jadhav left by the evening train for Bombay on December 4. Ambedkar decided to go to Bombay by air on December 14 as he would not be able to stand the journey by train. Rattu did the typing work till half past one in the early morning and retired at his master's place. On the morning of December 5, Rattu got up early and saw his master asleep. The master got up at quarter to nine in the morning. Rattu took leave of him and went to his office on bicycle having his meal at a hotel on his way to the office.
Get angry on his wife: Mrs. Ambedkar left home at half past one in the afternoon to do some shopping with her guest Dr. Malvankar. Much later the master rang the bell two or three times and inquired about his wife, but she had not returned. The cook put on the light and took him to the bathroom. Then Ambedkar had some tea. Again he rang the bell and his face suddenly flamed red. Rattu came at 5.30 in the evening and found his master terribly upset. He gave Rattu some typing work. Just then Mrs. Ambedkar returned with Dr. Malvankar. She peeped in and Ambedkar, in an angry mood, hurled fire and brimstone at her. She asked Rattu to pacify his master.
Discussion with Jain leaders: By eight o'clock at night the fire had burned low. A deputation of Jain leaders came to meet him by previous appointment. Ambedkar was thinking of calling them the next day but since they had come, he said, he should have a talk with them. After about 20 minutes he went to the bathroom. With his hand on the shoulder of Rattu. He then came out of the drawing room, plunge himself into the sofa and sat with his eyes closed. The Jain leaders stood up as a mark of respect and then sat down. There was complete silence for some minutes. The Jain leaders gazing on his face intently. Then raising his head a little, he asked them the purpose of their visit. They casually inquired after his health and replied, "it is going on". Then they discussed for few minutes questions concerning Buddhism and Jainism. They seemed well impressed and presented Dr. Ambedkar with a copy of the book Jain or Buddha. They pressed him to attend a function the next morning and discuss some points with their Muni. He agreed to attend if his health permitted. And the last visitors left his residence. While he was talking to the Jain visitors, his 1st guest Dr. Malavankar also left his residence and went to Bombay by the night plane.
Listened and sang Song of Buddha: Rattu was pressing his master's legs. Ambedkar asked him to anoint his head with oil. He did so. The master felt a little relaxed. Suddenly a gentle, pleasant, musical tone was heard; and it took little time for Rattu to know that his master, was with his eyes shut, singing a song, the finger of his right hand atriking the arm of the sofa. Slowly the song became distinct and louder. Its line became firm and "Buddham Saranam Gachchhami" became clearer. Ambedkar asked Rattu to play this favourite song of his on the radiogram; and with devotion the master accompanied the recorded song.
Sang a song of Kabir: Just at this moment his cook Sudama came out and said that supper was ready. His master said he would have simply a little rice and nothing else. He was still under the spell of the song. The servant came a second time and Ambedkar rose up to go to the dining room. While walking with his hand on the sholuder of Rattu, he took out some books from different almarihs. He had a look at other books there and asked Rattu to keep them on his table near his bed. He cast another longing glance at his books, the great and real friends of his lifetime and went in. With the help of Rattu he sat in the chair facing the kitchen. He ate little food and asked Rattu to massage his head. Then he got up with the help of a staff in his hand, singing a song from Kabir, "Chal Kabir tera bhav sagar dera." Singing in this way, he entered the bedroom adjacent to this kitchen.
Last meeting with Rattu: As soon as he sat down, he took up the books one by one which he had picked from the liberty some twenty minutes earlier, looked into them and kept them on the table. He lay down in his bed and asked Rattu to press his legs softly. It was now 11:15 p.m. Rattu had not gone home the previous night. He felt like going home as he saw that sleep seemed heavy on his master's eyes. Just to arrest his attention he shifted the books on his table a just little. He looked up. He took his master's leave and brought out his bicycle to go; for he was now hungry and tired, and he knew that his wife was probably waiting for his return. Scarcely did he reach the gate when Sudama came running and said that Babasaheb was calling him back. The master asked Rattu to bring from his almarih the typescripts of the Preface and the Introduction to the Buddha And His Dhamma and the typed letters to Acharya Atre and S. M. Joshi and also the letter to the Burma Government, and to keep them on his table. Rattu kept all these letters, the Introduction and Preface, on the table near his master's bed and went home. Ambedkar said he would go through the Preface and Introduction in the night, and also they were to be dispatched the next day. Near the bed of his master Sudama kept as usual a thermos containing coffee and a dish of sweets. Neither his doctor-wife, who had striven hard to save his life for the past eight years, nor his attendants had the faintest idea that Death was hiding behind his bed.
Death

Black Day: On the morning of the December 6, 1956, Mrs. Savita Ambedkar got up as usual. About 6:30 a.m. when she had a look at the bed of her husband she saw his leg resting on a cushion. After taking a round as usual in the garden, she went to wake him up terribly shocked to discover that her husband was no more a denizen of this world. She sent her car for Rattu and he came. On his arrival Mrs. Ambebkar collapsed in the sofa crying that Babasaheb had departed this world. Rattu could not bear the thought, and with a trembling voice the exclaimed, "What! Babasaheb had departed this world." Rattu could not bear the attempted to stimulate heart action in the mortal remains by massaging his limbs, moving his arms and legs, pressing upward the diaphragm and putting in his mouth a spoonful on brandy ; but they failed to stimulate respiration. He had passed away in sleep. Ambedkar had been suffering severely from diabetic neurosis; his heart, which had grown weaker during the previous two years, had stopped beating.

Cruel moment: Mrs. Ambedkar now loudly mourned her husband, and Rattu wept bitterly over the dead body of his master, crying "Oh! Babasaheb, I have come, give me work." One Chamanlal Shah, who was on intimate terms with Ambedkar on account of his yogic and mystic studies, was staying at Ambedkar's residence. Rattu then broke the shocking news to circles closest to Babasaheb and then to Ministers of the Central Government. The news spread like wildfire throughout Delhi. All of his admirers and lieutenants and devotees ran to 16, Alipore Road, and soon a throng of mourners collected outside his residence to have a last glimpse of the great man. The Bombay associates of the leader were intimated through Siddharth College, and they were also informed that the body was being flown to Bombay that night.
Arrangements to move dead body to his residence at Bombay: Premier Nehru, who used to take pride in introducing Ambedkar to foreigners as the jewel of his Cabinet and to inquire most cordially after the health of Babasaheb whenever he came across him in the lobby or at any function, called at Ambedkar's residence and made kind and anxious inquiries of Mrs. Ambedkar. He also inquired about the arrangements his followers desired to make about the funeral. Home Minister Pant, Jagjivan Ram, Minister for communications, and the Deputy Chairman of the Counil of States called at his residence to pay their respects to the departed leader. When apprised of the situation, Jagjivan Ram arranged for a plane to transport the body to Bombay.
Last miserious moment and reception of Dr. Ambedkar: of By now thousands of people thronged Alipore Road, and all the traffic came to a standstill in the neighbouring area. The body was put on a platform in a truck and with cries of, "Babasheb Amar Rahe" the funeral procession started in Delhi, passing through streets lined with thousands of people bowing their hands in reverence to the great leader. The procession took five hours to reach the airport. It was now 9 p.m. Nehru sent a wreath through a special messenger. The Secretaries of the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha garlanded the great parliamentarian. Several members of parliament, leading lawyers and their eminent scholars paid their homage to the great scholar statesman. The plane took off at 9:30 p.m. Shankaranand Shashtri, Bhikku Anand Kausalyayan, Mrs. Ambedkar, Rattu, Sudama, Shankarlal Shashtri and few others accompanied the body.
Body received at Santacruz Airport and his funeral procession performed at Dadar Cremetorium: The body was received at the Santa Cruz airport at 3 a.m. by thousands of people who in a post-midnight silent procession took the body to Rajgriha, Ambedkar's former residence at Dadar in Bombay. Lakhs of people had gathered to have a last glimpse of their saviour, and had stood in queues for over ten hours. Several political party leaders and trade union leaders called at Rajgriha to pay their homage to the great leader. At noon the body was kept on a truck full of flowers and wreaths. Near the head of the body were placed lighted candle-sticks, and in four corners incense was burning. The procession started at 1:30 p.m. at snail's pace through Vincent Road, since renamed Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Road, Poibavdi, Elphinstone Bridge, Sayani Road and Gokhale Road for the Dadar Hindu crematorium.
People embraced Buddhism at the crematorium in order to fulfil the last wish of Dr. Ambedkar: After four hours, the greatest funeral procession in the living memory of Bombay, hundred of policemen were posted at the Dadar Hindu crematorium to maintain order, and top rank police officers personally supervised the police arrangement. More than half a million people witnessed the last rites performed by Buddhist priests. Over a lakh people embraced Buddhism at the crematorium in order to fulfil the last wish of their departed leader.
Bhikku Anand Kausalyayana, Acharya Atre paid homage: As the pyre, Bhikku Anand Kausalyayan said that Dr. Ambedkar was a great leader; he had served the country and attained nirvana. Bhikkus from Malaya and Ceylon paid their homage to the deceased leader. Acharya P.K. Atre, speaking on the occasion, said with his voice like an ocean tide that Dr. Ambedkar had suffered and struggled for the rights of the Depressed Classes. Atre's thundering speech moved the half a million people to sobs and tears. Atre added that Ambedkar fought injustice, oppression and inequality; and he did not revolt against Hinduism but tried to reform it. S. L. Silam, Speaker of Bombay Assembly, the Chief Secretary of the Bombay Government, Mrs. Savita Ambedkar, Mukundrao Ambedkar, Rao Bahadur Bole, Ambedkar's lieutenants B. S. Gaikwad, R. D. Bhandare, B. C. Kamble, P. T. Borale and Ambedkar's colleague Acharya M. V. Donde were present at the crematory.
After Death

Nehru paid homage to Ambedkar: The nation mourned the death of Ambedkar. All parties said that in his death one of the greatest sons of India had passed away. His death removed from the political scene a figure which had prominently played for over thirty years varied, vital and valiant role in the affairs of the nation. Democracy in the world had grown poorer by his death. Democratic thought had lost its great champion. Recalling Ambedkar's great services to the nation in constitution-making and Hindu law, Prime Minister Nehru said in the Lok Sabha that Dr. Ambedkar would be remembered mostly as the symbol of revolt against all the oppressing features of Hindu society. His virulent opposition to these oppressive features had kept people's minds awake. Although he was a highly controversial figure, he played a very constructive and very important role in the Government activities. He revolted against something which everybody should revolt against. And as Nehru considered that Dr. Ambedkar belonged to the category of outstanding person ages, he requested the House of adjourn for the whole day.

Veer Savarkar, Rajendra Prasad and Chief justice of Bombay paid Homage: Veer Savarkar said that India had lost in Dr. Ambedkar a truly great man. The acting Chief Justice of Bombay Coyajee said that Dr. Ambedkar led a purposeful life and held high his mission in life to support the oppressed and that mission he carried out to the end. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, President of the Indian Republic, said that Ambedkar was the architect of our constitution and his services in various capacities, particularly for the uplift of the Depressed Classes, could not be exaggerated.
C. Rajgopalachari paid homage: C. Rajgopalachari said that Dr. Ambedkar's last demonstration of anger was his so-called conversion to Buddhism which unfortunately was more anti-Hinduism than an acceptance of the doctrine of compassion and rectitude that Buddhism was.
U Nu, Premier of Burma paid homage: The last tribute was paid by U Nu, Premier of Burma. He said that Ambedkar was without dispute one of the illustrious figures that played a historic part in the annals of the great country, India, at a time when changing trends and conditions were making a significant impression on the life and social structure of the nation. He was the Burmese Premier remarked, one of those who helped to accelerate the process of social change in the country, a process in the case of which hundreds of thousands, even millions, had been enabled to look forward to a better life and a happier life.
His followers held a meeting requesting to investigate about Ambedkar's death: On the eleventh day, after Ambedkar's Death, his followers held a mammoth meeting in Delhi requesting the Government of India to make full investigations into the circumstances of Ambedkar's death. A deputation met Prime Minister Nehru, Home Minister Pant and Dr. Rajendra Prasad, President of Indian Republic, requesting them to make inquiries into the matter. His son also lodged a complaint with the police in Delhi. So the government ordered an inquiry into the circumstances of Dr. Ambedkar's death. And on November 26, 1957, Pant, as Home Minister, informed the Lok Sabha that the late Dr. Ambedkar had died a natural death according to an inquiry made by the Deputy Inspector-General of Police, Delhi.
The Buddha and His Dhamma Preface: The world does not know that the great jurist in Dr. Ambedkar had, in his Preface to The Buddha And His Dhamma acknowledge a certain debt gratefully : "During the five years there were many ups and downs in my health. At some stage my condition had become so critical that doctors talked of me as a dying flame. The successful rekindling of this dying flame is due to the medical skill of my wife and Dr. Malvankar the physician who has been attending me. To them I am immensely grateful. They alone have helped me to complete the work." Why this portion, has not appeared in the book is a mystery.
Buddha and Karl Marx at Kathmandu Buddhist Conference: Ambedkar had said at Kathmandu in his speech on Buddha and Karl Marx that Dukkha was called property in Buddhist scriptures. He always said that he would not suffer the fate of Tilak as he was confident that his heirs would never go to Court. His hopes are, however, belied. His son and his wife went to Court for their respective share in the property. And at long last his wife and son reached a compromise in the Court.
Declared holiday on Ambedkar's Birthday: After Ambedkar's death Yashwantrao Chavan, Chief Minister of Maharashtra State, reputed for his judicious and balanced policy, responded to the popular appeal and declared Ambedkar's birthday a public holiday. Government also gave over to the Buddhist Societies concerned for erecting memorials upon eleven acres of land at Nagpur where the historic Diksha ceremony took place on October 14, 1956, and a small piece of land at the Dadar Hindu Crematory where the saviour of a suppressed people was cremated. A statue was erected at a prominent place near the old Secretariat, Bombay, and in 1968 a grand stoop (Pagoda) was erected on the Chaitya-Bhoomi at the Dadar Seashore, Bombay.
Republican Party of India was founded : In conformity with the directions of Dr. Ambedkar the Republican Party was formed; but it was mere conversion of the scheduled Castes Federation into the Republican Party. The Party, however, split into two functions after the formation of Maharashtra State. One co-operated with the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti dominated by the Red parties ; the other co-operated with the Praja Socialist Party with which Dr. Ambedkar himself had co-operated. No great leader worth the name joined the Republican Party, So it proved to be a change in the name of the Party and nothing more.
Buddha and His Dhamma was published: Ambedkar's monumental work The Buddha And His Dhamma was posthumously published. The Mahabodhi, a famous Buddhist journal in India, however, opined that The Buddha And His Dhamma was a dangerous book; Ambedkar's interpretation of the theory of Karma, the theory of Ahimsa and his theory that Buddhism was merely a social system, constituted not the correct interpretation of Buddhism but a new orientation. The title pleaded this reviewer, should be changed from The Buddha And His hammato that of Ambedkar And His Dhamma ; for Ambedkar preached non-Dhamma as Dhamma for motives of political and social reform.

SUNIL KUMAR PULIVARTI

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Sunday, December 5, 2010

VOWS OF BUDDHISM

Saturday, December 4, 2010

AMBEDKAR LETTERS AND PICS

Monday, November 22, 2010

BIOGRAPHY OF AMBEDKAR